Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
The purpose of the research is to clear up the forms of relations of the imperial center with the Polish elites on the territories acquired by Russia, to identify the peculiarities of the tsarist governments policy regarding their influence in Right-Bank Ukraine at the end of the eighteenth centur...
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irk-123456789-1797512021-06-08T01:26:45Z Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) Bortnikov, V. Bortnikova, A. Pavlikha, N. Історичні студії The purpose of the research is to clear up the forms of relations of the imperial center with the Polish elites on the territories acquired by Russia, to identify the peculiarities of the tsarist governments policy regarding their influence in Right-Bank Ukraine at the end of the eighteenth century – in the 1830s. Research methodology. A number of special historical research methods have been used in the article: comparative, procedural, political-legal, temporal, problem-chronological, content-analysis, prosopographic, hermeneutical, and others. Scientific novelty. The dynamics of solving "Polish issue" by the ruling upper circles headed by Emperors Paul I, Alexander I, and Nicholas I in the context of identifying specific institutional forms and means of integration of the Right-Bank territories into the Russian Empire have been clarified. Conclusions. It has been established, that, within the indicated chronological limits, the patterns of the Imperial centers relations with the Polish elites on the Right-Bank lands developed from a tolerant attitude towards the Polish influence on the social-political development of the region to a consistent policy of unification and depolonization of the annexed territories. During the reign of Paul I, the General Court, district-county and nobility courts were re-established on the territories joined after the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and instead of marshals of the nobility, the positions of provincial and county marshals and cornets were introduced. It has been confirmed that All-Russian legal rules and the Lithuanian Statute co-existed on the Right-Bank territories at that time. Under Alexanders I reign the tolerant attitude to the Polish influence on the Right-Bank lands continued, which implied a combination of imperial unification policy with the recognition of regional peculiarities and historical identity of the annexed territories. It has been noted that fundamental changes in the "Polish issue" occurred during the reign of Nicholas I, after the revolutionary events in European countries and, first of all, the November uprising of 1830. It has been determined that from that time the policy of the Russian government regarding the Poles in the Right-Bank provinces was pursued in several directions: attracting the Polish nobility to the Russian elites by incorporating it into the social category of nobility and conferring appropriate rights and privileges; the repressions against Polish patriots; transferring the vast majority of minor-landed Polish gentry to taxable social categories; conducting judicial reform, under which town courts were liquidated and mandatory use of the Russian language was introduced in legal proceedings; limiting the conditions of existence of the Roman Catholic Church; depolonization and russification of educational-cultural space. It has been confirmed that the changing the policy to the Polish population on the Right-Bank territories in the 1830s fully corresponded to the strategic tasks of the imperial policy of centralization and unification in the sphere of state administration, in the legal and social-cultural space expressed in the ideologeme "autocracy, orthodoxy, people". Метою дослідження є з’ясування форм відносин імперського центру з польськими елітами набутих Росією територій, виявлення особливостей політики царського уряду щодо їх впливу на Правобережній Україні наприкінці ХVІІІ ст. – у 1830-х рр. Методологія дослідження. У статті використано низку спеціальних історичних методів: компаративний, процесуальний, політико-правовий, темпоральний, проблемно-хронологічний, контент-аналіз, просопографічний, герменевтичний та ін. Наукова новизна. З’ясовано динаміку вирішення російською владною верхівкою на чолі з імператорами Павлом І, Олександром І та Миколою І «польського питання» в контексті виявлення специфічних інституційних форм і засобів інтеґрації Правобережжя до Російської імперії. Висновки. Установлено, що конфіґурації відносин імперського центру з польськими елітами на Правобережжі у вказаних хронологічних межах визрівали від толерантного ставлення щодо польського впливу на суспільно-політичний розвиток реґіону до послідовної політики уніфікації та деполонізації нових територій. За правління Павла І на приєднаних після поділів Речі Посполитої землях було відновлено ґенеральний суд, земські повітові та підкоморські суди, замість предводителів дворянства запроваджувалися посади ґубернських і повітових маршалів, хорунжих. Підтверджено, що у цей час на Правобережжі співіснували загальноросійські норми права і приписи Литовського статуту. За Олександра І було продовжено толерантне ставлення до польського впливу на правобережних теренах, що передбачало поєднання імперської політики уніфікації з визнанням реґіональних особливостей та історичної своєрідності приєднаних територій. Зауважено, що принципові зміни в «польському питанні» відбулися за правління Миколи І, після революційних подій у країнах Європи та насамперед Листопадового повстання 1830 р. Визначено, що відтоді політика російського уряду стосовно поляків у правобережних ґуберніях здійснювалася за декількома напрямами: залучення польської шляхти до російських еліт шляхом інкорпорації її до дворянського стану з наданням відповідних прав і привілеїв; здійснення репресій проти польських патріотів; переведення більшості дрібнопомісної шляхти до податних станів; проведення судової реформи, за якої ґродські суди ліквідовувалися та запроваджувалося обов’язкове використання російської мови у судочинстві; обмеження умов існування римо-католицької церкви; деполонізація й російщення освітньо-культурного простору. Підтверджено, що зміна курсу стосовно польського населення на Правобережжі в 1830-х рр. цілком відповідала стратегічним завданням імперської політики централізації та уніфікації у сфері державного управління, у правовому, соціокультурному просторах, закладеним в ідеологемі «самодержавство, православ’я, народність». 2020 Article Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) / V. Bortnikov, A. Bortnikova, М. Pavlikha // Український історичний журнал. — 2020. — Число 2. — С. 142-151. — Бібліогр.: 19 назв. — англ. 0130-5247 DOI: doi.org/10.15407/uhj2020.02.142 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/179751 35.072.1(477.82-25):342.9 en Український історичний журнал Інститут історії України НАН України |
| institution |
Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
| collection |
DSpace DC |
| language |
English |
| topic |
Історичні студії Історичні студії |
| spellingShingle |
Історичні студії Історичні студії Bortnikov, V. Bortnikova, A. Pavlikha, N. Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) Український історичний журнал |
| description |
The purpose of the research is to clear up the forms of relations of the imperial center with the
Polish elites on the territories acquired by Russia, to identify the peculiarities of the tsarist governments
policy regarding their influence in Right-Bank Ukraine at the end of the eighteenth century – in the
1830s. Research methodology. A number of special historical research methods have been used in the
article: comparative, procedural, political-legal, temporal, problem-chronological, content-analysis,
prosopographic, hermeneutical, and others. Scientific novelty. The dynamics of solving "Polish issue" by
the ruling upper circles headed by Emperors Paul I, Alexander I, and Nicholas I in the context of identifying
specific institutional forms and means of integration of the Right-Bank territories into the Russian Empire
have been clarified. Conclusions. It has been established, that, within the indicated chronological limits,
the patterns of the Imperial centers relations with the Polish elites on the Right-Bank lands developed
from a tolerant attitude towards the Polish influence on the social-political development of the region to a
consistent policy of unification and depolonization of the annexed territories. During the reign of Paul I, the
General Court, district-county and nobility courts were re-established on the territories joined after the
partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and instead of marshals of the nobility, the positions of
provincial and county marshals and cornets were introduced. It has been confirmed that All-Russian legal
rules and the Lithuanian Statute co-existed on the Right-Bank territories at that time. Under Alexanders
I reign the tolerant attitude to the Polish influence on the Right-Bank lands continued, which implied
a combination of imperial unification policy with the recognition of regional peculiarities and historical
identity of the annexed territories. It has been noted that fundamental changes in the "Polish issue"
occurred during the reign of Nicholas I, after the revolutionary events in European countries and, first of
all, the November uprising of 1830. It has been determined that from that time the policy of the Russian
government regarding the Poles in the Right-Bank provinces was pursued in several directions: attracting
the Polish nobility to the Russian elites by incorporating it into the social category of nobility and conferring
appropriate rights and privileges; the repressions against Polish patriots; transferring the vast majority
of minor-landed Polish gentry to taxable social categories; conducting judicial reform, under which town
courts were liquidated and mandatory use of the Russian language was introduced in legal proceedings;
limiting the conditions of existence of the Roman Catholic Church; depolonization and russification of
educational-cultural space. It has been confirmed that the changing the policy to the Polish population on
the Right-Bank territories in the 1830s fully corresponded to the strategic tasks of the imperial policy of
centralization and unification in the sphere of state administration, in the legal and social-cultural space
expressed in the ideologeme "autocracy, orthodoxy, people". |
| format |
Article |
| author |
Bortnikov, V. Bortnikova, A. Pavlikha, N. |
| author_facet |
Bortnikov, V. Bortnikova, A. Pavlikha, N. |
| author_sort |
Bortnikov, V. |
| title |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) |
| title_short |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) |
| title_full |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) |
| title_fullStr |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) |
| title_sort |
polish factor in the policy of the russian power in right-bank ukraine (the end of the eighteenth century – 1830s) |
| publisher |
Інститут історії України НАН України |
| publishDate |
2020 |
| topic_facet |
Історичні студії |
| url |
http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/179751 |
| citation_txt |
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s) / V. Bortnikov, A. Bortnikova, М. Pavlikha // Український історичний журнал. — 2020. — Число 2. — С. 142-151. — Бібліогр.: 19 назв. — англ. |
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Український історичний журнал |
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Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
Abstract. The purpose of the research is to clear up the forms of relations of the imperial center with the
Polish elites on the territories acquired by Russia, to identify the peculiarities of the tsarist governments
policy regarding their influence in Right-Bank Ukraine at the end of the eighteenth century – in the
1830s. Research methodology. A number of special historical research methods have been used in the
article: comparative, procedural, political-legal, temporal, problem-chronological, content-analysis,
prosopographic, hermeneutical, and others. Scientific novelty. The dynamics of solving "Polish issue" by
the ruling upper circles headed by Emperors Paul I, Alexander I, and Nicholas I in the context of identifying
specific institutional forms and means of integration of the Right-Bank territories into the Russian Empire
have been clarified. Conclusions. It has been established, that, within the indicated chronological limits,
the patterns of the Imperial centers relations with the Polish elites on the Right-Bank lands developed
from a tolerant attitude towards the Polish influence on the social-political development of the region to a
consistent policy of unification and depolonization of the annexed territories. During the reign of Paul I, the
General Court, district-county and nobility courts were re-established on the territories joined after the
partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and instead of marshals of the nobility, the positions of
provincial and county marshals and cornets were introduced. It has been confirmed that All-Russian legal
rules and the Lithuanian Statute co-existed on the Right-Bank territories at that time. Under Alexanders
I reign the tolerant attitude to the Polish influence on the Right-Bank lands continued, which implied
a combination of imperial unification policy with the recognition of regional peculiarities and historical
identity of the annexed territories. It has been noted that fundamental changes in the "Polish issue"
occurred during the reign of Nicholas I, after the revolutionary events in European countries and, first of
all, the November uprising of 1830. It has been determined that from that time the policy of the Russian
government regarding the Poles in the Right-Bank provinces was pursued in several directions: attracting
the Polish nobility to the Russian elites by incorporating it into the social category of nobility and conferring
appropriate rights and privileges; the repressions against Polish patriots; transferring the vast majority
of minor-landed Polish gentry to taxable social categories; conducting judicial reform, under which town
courts were liquidated and mandatory use of the Russian language was introduced in legal proceedings;
limiting the conditions of existence of the Roman Catholic Church; depolonization and russification of
educational-cultural space. It has been confirmed that the changing the policy to the Polish population on
the Right-Bank territories in the 1830s fully corresponded to the strategic tasks of the imperial policy of
centralization and unification in the sphere of state administration, in the legal and social-cultural space
expressed in the ideologeme "autocracy, orthodoxy, people".
Keywords: Russian Empire, Poland, Right-Bank Ukraine, administrative-territorial division, judicial
reform, depolonization, russification.
Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power
in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
Valerii Bortnikov
Candidate of Historical Sciences (Ph. D. in History),
Professor at Department of Political Science and Public Administration,
Lesia Ukrainka Eastern European National University
(Lutsk, Ukraine), bortnikov.v@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0991-4047
Alla Bortnikova
Doctor of Political Sciences (Dr. Hab. in Political),
Professor at Department of World History,
Lesia Ukrainka Eastern European National University
(Lutsk, Ukraine), allabortnikova@icloud.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8132-1935
Nataliia Pavlikha
Doctor of Economics Sciences (Dr. Hab. in Economics),
Professor at Department of International Economic Relations
and the Projects Management,
Lesia Ukrainka Eastern European National University
(Lutsk, Ukraine), pavlixa2@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5191-242X
DOI: https://doi.org/10.15407/uhj2020.02.142
UDC: 35.072.1(477.82-25):342.9
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
143Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
The activity of higher and central bodies of state power, the apparatus of territori-
al administration of the South-Western region was stipulated by a set of circumstances
connected with the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita)
and the process of integrating the Right-Bank Ukrainian lands into the Russian Empire.
The level of their social-economic development, ethnic-cultural and social composition
of the population, the degree of the local elites loyalty to the power and the existing re-
lations with the imperial center differed significantly. In sol ving the “Polish issue”, the
tsardom went from a tolerant attitude to the Polish cultural influence on the social-polit-
ical development of Russia to the policy of strict russification of the annexed territories.
The proposed article is a logical continuation of studies on the history of the Right-Bank
Ukraine conducted by such contemporary foreign and Ukrainian scientists1. The works of
these authors laid the methodological foundation of new approaches to studying complex,
full of contradictions processes of the Right-Bank Ukraine’s development during the specified
period. The purpose of our article is to analyze the evolution of the tsarist governments policy
concerning the forms and methods of integration of the Polish gentry from the Right-Bank
Ukraine into the Russian Empire at the end of the eighteenth century – in 1830s.
The entry of the Right-Bank Ukraine to the Romanov Empire directed the vector
of its social-political development toward the Russian influence. The policy of the cen-
tral and territorial power there was determined by the competition for spheres of in-
fluence between the Russian autocracy and Polish aristocracy that owned most of the
lands together with serfs. The small Polish gentry, who suffered from mass separa-
tion from its own class, the peak of which took place in the 1830–1840s, was affected
by this struggle most of all. The governments policy was predetermined by the social
category character of that time Russian society, the exclusive place of the nobility in
the governing structures, the desire of the supreme power to preserve the “purity” of
the ruling stratum, to prevent the impoverished Polish gentry from administration.
After the death of the Empress Catherine II on November 6, 1796, her successor
Paul I, by a number of laws, shifted the policy of accelerated unification of the region
to a more moderate one. At the end of that year, the Emperor sent the Senate the edict
signed by him: “On the setting free of people who were punished, imprisoned and ex-
iled after riots in Poland”2. According to the following act, the Poles, who voluntarily
returned to places of their residence, were free to join military service3.
1 Бармак М.В. Формування російської імперської системи державної служби на українських землях (ХVІІІ–ХІХ ст.) –
Тернопіль, 2016. – 392 с.; Бовуа Д. Шляхтич, кріпак і ревізор: Польська шляхта між царизмом та українськими масами
(1831–1863) / Пер. з фр. З.Борисюк. – К., 1996. – 415 с.; Його ж. Російська влада і польська шляхта в Україні: 1793–
1830 рр. / Пер. з фр. З.Борисюк. – Л., 2007. – 296 с.; Горизонтов Л.Е. Парадоксы имперской политики: поляки в России
и русские в Польше (XIX – начало XX в.). – Москва, 1999. – 272 с.; Гудь Б. Загибель Аркадії: Етносоціальні аспекти
українсько-польських конфліктів ХІХ – першої половини ХХ ст. – Л., 2006. – 448 с.; Його ж. З історії етносоціальних
конфліктів: Українці й поляки на Наддніпрянщині, Волині й у Східній Галичині в XIX – першій половині XX ст.
/ Пер. з пол. А.Панчишин. – Х., 2017. – 490 с.; Западные окраины Российской империи / Под ред. М.Д.Долбилова,
А.И.Миллера. – Москва, 2006. – 608 с.; Кривошея І.І. Еволюція дворянства Правобережної України наприкінці ХVIII
– початку ХХ ст. (за матеріалами Київської губернії): Дис. … канд. іст. наук. – Умань, 1997. – 268 с.; Його ж. Шляхта
Уманщини в імперську добу (кінець ХVIII – перша половина ХІХ ст.). – Умань, 2017. – 168 с.; Лисенко С., Чернецький
Є. Правобережна шляхта (кінець ХVІІI – перша половина ХІХ ст.). – Вид. 2-ге, випр. та доп. – Біла Церква, 2007. –
448 с.; Поліщук Ю. Національні меншини Правобережної України у контексті етнічної політики Російської імперії
(кінець ХVIII – початок ХХ ст.). – К., 2012. – 492 с.; Павлюк В. Магнатерія Волині в соціально-економічному та
культурному житті Правобережжя у ХІХ ст. – Острог, 2000. – 184 с.; Філінюк А.Г. Правобережна Україна наприкінці
ХVІІІ – на початку ХІХ ст.: тенденції розвитку і соціальні трансформації. – Кам’янець-Подільський, 2010. – 727 с.;
Шандра В.С. Генерал-губернаторства в Україні: ХІХ – початок ХХ ст. – К., 2005. – 427 с.; Щербак Н.О. Національне
питання в політиці царизму у Правобережній Україні (кінець ХVІІІ – початок ХХ ст.). – К., 2005. – 616 с. та ін.
2 Полное собрание законов Российской империи (ПСЗ РИ). – Собр.1-е. – Т.ХХІV. – Санкт-Петербург,
1830. – №17585.
3 Там же. – №17625.
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
144 Valerii Bortnikov, Alla Bortnikova, Nataliia Pavlikha
The edict “On the restoration in the Malorossiya (Little Russia) of administration and
legal proceedings in accordance with the local rights and traditional rites” of November 30,
17964 was the confirmation of consistency of the policy pursued by Paul I, not only in the
South-Western region, but also in other Ukrainian regions. In accordance with adminis-
trative-territorial division, the General Court, district-county (zemskyi-povit) and nobility
(pidkomorskyi) courts were restored on the Ukrainian territories, however, the provincial
magistrates, upper court (court of the second instance) and lower courts (courts in counties)
were abolished. On February 6, 1797 by the Imperial edict, in Malorossiya, Kyiv, Podillia,
Volyn, Minsk and Byelorussian pro vinces, it was allowed to introduce the positions of pro-
vincial and county marshals and cornets instead of the marshals of the nobility5.
On the petition of the infantry general, Kamianets-Podilskyi military governor and
Malorossian governor-general O.Bekleshov, the Senate edict was issued on September 23,
1797, allowing district-county and nobility courts, as well as magistrates to conduct legal pro-
ceedings in Polish, and use two languages, Polish and Russian, in the main courts in such a
way that all resolutions and sentences were written in Polish on one side and in Russian on the
other one6. It was significant that the right to vote was granted to the landless Polish gentry.
The division of the population into taxable and privileged social categories became
the logical consequence of including the annexed Right-Bank territories in the finan-
cial system of the Russian Empire. A considerable part of the funds that came to the
State treasury from the South-Western territory was made of taxes from physical per-
sons. Instead of the traditional “chimney money” (tax from a separate house) “head
money” (tax from each person) was introduced on the Right-Bank part, the collection
of which began from January 1, 1797 in accordance with Catherine’s II provisions of
the Manifesto dated July 13, 17957. The edict of Paul I on the need of the legal registra-
tion by each new citizen of the Empire of his (her) social status, which was associated
with the performance of corresponding duties, was of paramount importance. The men-
tioned regulations were spread to all the joined Right-Bank territories8.
For some time, the laws of the Russian Empire and the provisions of the Lithuanian
Statute were simultaneously acting on the territory of the South-Western lands, which
often led to legal conflicts. For example, in 1799, there was a case when the accused
party rejected the decision of Starodub county court on the grounds that a certain ac-
tion had been taken in accordance with the statute law, and therefore was outside the
jurisdiction. At the appeal to the county court from the judge, “signed and stamped by
him, two court officials and witnesses from the Polish nobles, about the disobedience
against the sentence of the court”, the Senate in its decision of December 25, 1799 re-
solved the following: “Both in the Malorossiya governorate-general and in others prov-
inces [...] one must act in accordance with the general national regulations”9. However,
because of different circumstances, the decision was not implemented till certain time.
The period of Alexanders I reign (1801–1825), as well as during the reign of his father
Paul I, was characterized by moderateness as to the Polish influence on the South-Western
territories, since the ruling upper circles tried to rely on the Polish nobility in matters relating
to the governing of the annexed territories. According to most scholars, during the first peri-
od of his reign, the young Emperor was almost exclusively occupied with “the destruction of
4 Там же. – №17594.
5 Там же. – №17790.
6 Державний архів Волинської області (Держархів Волинської обл.). – Ф.363. – Оп.1. – Спр.10. – Арк.207–207 зв.
7 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.1-е. – Т.ХХІІІ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1830. – №17356.
8 Держархів Волинської обл. – Ф.363. – Оп.1. – Спр.10. – Арк.246.
9 Там само. – Ф.486. – Оп.2. – Спр.1. – Арк.31.
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
145Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
everything that had been done by his father – the abolition of his laws, the correction of harm
made by him”10. In particular, Alexander I restored the elections of the nobility representatives,
freed the clergy from physical punishment. First of all, in 1801 he liquidated the Secret expe-
dition of Catherine II and passed all its functions to local authorities. Instead, the Ministry of
Internal Affairs was created by him the following year, which was centrally in charge of polit-
ical and criminal investigation and censorship11. The declining of the ban as to the Western
fashion, cancelling powdered braids for soldiers, etc. were also among the decisions.
In a series of manifestos in early April 1801, Alexander I reaffirmed the privileges and
charters to the nobility and towns of 1785, and also abolished all the laws contradicting
them. In particular, the edict of March 30, 1800, was abolished; it concerned more severe
punishment of the Polish nobility, who refused service jobs after elections of the nobility of
the county or province, or began late performing their duties late; the edicts of December 4,
1796 and March 6, 1801, as to the abolishment of the nobilities genealogy book registration
and termination of the authority of noble assemblies to consider, approve the evidence of
noble origin and to issue charters to persons who did not fully prove their noble origin, the
edict of August 16, 1798, forbidding smallholders to prove their noble rights were abolished
as well. As a result, “the nobility of the Russian Empire and also unacknowledged Polish
nobility from the Right-Bank provinces returned to clear social category organization with
standardized procedures of recognizing nobility rights and their applying”12.
By the definition of modern Russian historians, from the very beginning of his reign,
Alexander I tried to combine the imperial unification of ruling the former eastern parts of
the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth with the recognition (often silently) of their regional
and historical peculiarities13. For example, the organization of the police service in the Right-
Bank provinces had its own specifics, which consisted in organic combining the activities of
the national and local authorities, and local institutions, which remained from the Polish-
Lithuanian Commonwealth and confirmed their practical expediency (for example, such was
the institute of county headmen). However, in 1800, by the order of the commission of sena-
tors who visited Zhytomyr for inspecting Volyn province, on the grounds that the positions of
county headmen “did not fit” in the staff list, the latter were abolished. But life showed the
necessity of such position for rural territories, so in 1808 the Volyn governor M.Komburley
appealed to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Prince A.Kurakin, to restore such time-tested
county police body. This problem was reported to Emperor Alexander I, who decided that
it was necessary to comply with the request of the Volyn governor on the grounds that, in
accordance with the edict of 1724, county headmen were elected in the counties of Grodno
province. These positions were resumed, “as they had existed before 1800”14.
The evidence that in the near future the authorities did not intend to change
radically the legal system on the joined territories, was the publication in 1810 in
St. Petersburg of the book personally approved by the Emperor15. The international sit-
uation at that time was extremely complicated, which could not but affect the policy of
the Russian power authorities inside the country. The victory of the French Revolution
10 История ХІХ века / Под ред. Э.Лависса, А.Рамбо; пер. с фр. – Т.2: Время Наполеона: 1800–1815. – Ч.2. –
Москва, 1938. – С.134.
11 История полиции дореволюционной России // Сборник документов и материалов по истории государства и
права / Отв. ред. В.М.Курицын. – Москва, 1981. – С.34.
12 Лисенко С., Чернецький Є. Правобережна шляхта (кінець ХVІІІ – перша половина ХІХ ст.). – С.28–29.
13 Западные окраины Российской империи. – С.94.
14 Держархів Волинської обл. – Ф.486. – Оп.1. – Спр.14. – Арк.395–396.
15 Ручной словарь, или Краткое содержание польских и литовских законов, служащих руководством в судебных
тяжбах всякого рода, собранных для употребления в присутственных местах и для пользы частных обывателей
коронных и литовских провинций / Пер. с пол. – Санкт-Петербург, 1810. – XV, 382 с.
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
146 Valerii Bortnikov, Alla Bortnikova, Nataliia Pavlikha
and coming to power of Napoleon I Bonaparte, who in 1799 became the First Consul
of the French republic and in 1804 the Emperor of France, set new priorities in the
world politics. Under the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807, Napoleon founded
the Duchy of Warsaw that year, and by the decision of the Vienna congress of the
states-winners of Napoleon (1815), Kingdom of Poland was created, which maintained
the hope of restoring Polish statehood among patriotic circles in Poland.
The above mentioned circumstances, as well as the danger of bringing “revolution-
ary contagion” from Europe, intensified the struggle of the supreme power authorities
with the opponents of the Russian autocracy within the country. For example, on August
24, 1809, Alexander I issued the edict “On punishment for unauthorized going abroad”16.
The nobles, who went abroad without permission prior to issuing that edict, were given
a six-month period to return home, otherwise their estates would be confiscated. A huge
list of confiscated Polish estates left by their owners was the evidence that unauthor-
ized going abroad became widespread (a 400-page volume was made up by the Ministry
of Finance from 1809 to 1913; the majority of estates – 44 belonging to the rich Polish
nobles and 35 – to small Polish gentry – was confiscated in Volyn)17. The Senate edict of
April 4, 1816, according to which business trips to the Kingdom of Poland were not con-
sidered business trips abroad was a significant step towards integrating the Polish lands
into the Russian Empire; at the same time, the edict had a symbolic meaning18.
The period of the first quarter of the nineteenth century was distinguished by the
relative harmony in the relations between the central authorities and large Polish land-
owners, which is evidenced by the occupation of high state positions by the representa-
tives of the Polish aristocracy. For example, “a close friend” of Emperor Alexander I Prince
A.Czartoryski, a Polish patriot, in 1802–1806 occupied the position of Minister of Foreign
Affairs; he was also the patron of the Vilno educational district, directing his efforts to all-
round development of the Polish culture on the territories, which in the past had been part
of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Recollecting those times, the Prince wrote in his
memoirs: «A few years later, all Poland was filled with schools in which the Polish national
feelings could develop freely. […] At that time, no one was surprised at my efforts; only lat-
er the Russian society was indignant with me, but at first the Emperor generously protect-
ed me. It goes without saying that I used the positive attitude of His Majesty and directed
all my efforts at peoples education, to which I gave the national character”19.
The positions of Volyn civil governor and vice-governor were held by such influen-
tial Polish nobles as B.Giżycki and F.Plater. Taking advantage of Alexanders I libera-
lism, Polish public figures actually managed that in the first quarter of the nineteenth
century, the Right-Bank Ukraine became the center of developing Polish education
and culture20. The explanation of such sympathy of the supreme power authorities to
the Polish nobility was the fact that this noble society “was united by a peculiar family
spirit and a sense of civilizational entity. Their lifestyle combined elegance with con-
servatism, luxury with cosmopolitanism. The national identity there did not have the
significance, which would be acquired in the decades to come”21.
16 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.1-е. – Т.ХХХ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1830. – №23806.
17 Бовуа Д. Російська влада і польська шляхта в Україні: 1793–1830 рр. – С.178, 182.
18 Держархів Волинської обл. – Ф.486. – Оп.1. – Спр.36. – Арк.178.
19 See: Горизонтов Л.Е. Механизмы формирования украинской и белорусской наций в российском и
общеславянском контексте (дореволюционный период) // На путях становления украинской и белорусской
наций: факторы, механизмы, соотнесения. – Москва, 2004. – С.88–89.
20 Щербак Н.О. Особливості національної політики російського уряду на Правобережній Україні наприкінці
ХVІІІ – початку ХІХ ст.: Автореф. дис. … д-ра іст. наук. – К., 2006. – С.17.
21 Бовуа Д. Російська влада і польська шляхта в Україні: 1793–1830 рр. – С.22.
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
147Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
Under the guidance of A.Czartoryski, T.Czacki started working as a visitor (in-
spector) of the schools of Volyn, Podillia and Kyiv provinces. He was the founder of
Kremenets gymnasia – “the Polish cultural fortress, the only center for the whole Polish
Ukraine”22, the person who left a prominent mark in the development of education in
the provinces. According to some evidences, 126 elementary schools, as well as coun-
ty schools, were opened with his direct participation in Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Liubar,
Berdychiv, Ovruch, Zhytomyr, Bar, and Vinnytsia23. His activities were later evaluat-
ed by both Russian and Polish public figures and scholars. For example, in 1912, the
Orthodox priest P.Antonovіch wrote: “Czacki did more for Poland than its kings had
done for centuries, and made unforgettable harm to Volyn and the Russian cause”24.
At the same time, the incorporation of the small Polish gentry into the Russian social
space was the urgent problem that awaited its solution. Throughout most of Alexander’s I
reign “the problem of the Polish nobility status remained stagnant. Its radical solution or
non-solution would equally have had negative consequences given the border situation of
the Right-Bank provinces and the urgency of the Polish issue in the European politics. As a
result of this problem, the small Polish gentry became a hostage and main social defendant
in the period of political upheavals of 1825–1826 and 1830–1831”25.
Appreciating in general the period of Alexanders I reign one can agree with the
opinion of scholars who believe that those were the years of liberal searches and con-
stitutional dreams, great administrative experiments, granting broad autonomy to the
annexed western parts of the Empire that became part of it after the partitions of the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the same time, it was the period of creating a ter-
ritorial-sector system of government, which generally met the requirements of the time26.
Instead, Emperor Nicholas I was determined as to the unification of social-political
and cultural life of the Empire. The severity of the situation was extremely added by the
Decembrist uprising. Only in Volyn province, 20 Polish nobles, mostly from Zhytomyr,
were arrested. The provincial marshal of the nobility P.Moshynskyi, S.Karvytskyi and
others were among them27. However, a decisive role in changing the vector of politics
was played by revolutionary events in European countries, and especially the Polish
national (November) uprising of 1830–1831. After its suppression, the Russian emper-
or issued the Organic statute under which some democratic rules of the Constitutional
Charter of 1815 of the Kingdom of Poland were abolished (in particular, the Sejm legis-
lative body) and its lands became an integral part of the Russian Empire. Worried
about raising the level of the national consciousness of the Poles during the November
uprising, the authorities closed a large number of Catholic monasteries.
The consequences of the uprising affected the social policy of the Russian autocracy
concerning certain categories of the population of the Empires western outlying districts.
It was explained by the fact that the main driving force of the uprising was the minor-land-
ed Polish gentry of the Kingdom of Poland and the territories joined to Russia, especially its
south-western lands. The repressive measures of the tsarist government against the upris-
ing participants hurt this particular social group: property was confiscated from some of
them, others were exiled to Siberia, and a large number of the Polish nobles were declassed.
22 Там само. – С.230.
23 Даниляк П.Г. Тадеуш Чацький та його роль у розвитку освіти на Правобережній Україні // Український
історичний журнал. – 2009. – №2. – С.57.
24 See: Єршова Л.М. Жіноча освіта на Волині. – Житомир, 2006. – С.48.
25 Лисенко С., Чернецький Є. Правобережна шляхта (кінець ХVІІІ – перша половина ХІХ ст.). – С.41.
26 Лысенко Л.М. Губернаторы и генерал-губернаторы в Российской империи (ХVІІІ – начало ХХ в.). – Москва, 2001. – С.27.
27 Петров Н.И. Волынь: Исторические судьбы Юго-Западного края. – Санкт-Петербург, 1888. – С.257.
Український історичний журнал. – 2020. – №2
148 Valerii Bortnikov, Alla Bortnikova, Nataliia Pavlikha
At the same time, the government encouraged the migration of able-bodied people from the
Kingdom of Poland and the annexed territories to other regions of the Russian Empire.
In the opinion of D.Beauvois, the uprising became only the occasion for the liquida-
tion of the minor-landed Polish gentry as a social category. As he pointed out, the materi-
als of the Commission for investigating the uprising, created by the edict of July 10, 1831,
gave grounds to consider that the number of rebels in the three Right-Bank provinces
almost never exceeded 200 people per county. “There were undoubtedly more insurgents
in Volyn and Podillia, but the total number of 10 thousand people seemed to be the most
possible figure for the three provinces. However, the poor Polish gentry clearly prevailed:
400 people in Kyiv district, 19 landowners and 55 peasants and vagrants among them…
But in no case did this number of participants justify the scale of the repressions, which
fell on the impoverished Polish gentry”28. According to the Soviet historiography, the
majority of the uprising participants in the Right-Bank Ukraine – 4017 out of 5627 per-
sons – were landowners and the Polish nobles, and only 1273 were peasants29.
For years, the Russian government pursued the policy directed against minor-land-
ed Polish gentry to regulate its social status and assimilate with the social categories
existing in the Empire: by a broad inspection of the Polish nobles who could not prove
their noble origin, they were transferred to a taxable category. Those measures were sub-
stantiated and defined in a number of approved documents: the edict of October 19, 1831
and the subsequent “Imperially Established” provisions of the Committees of Ministers
on the affairs of the Western provinces of December 1, 1831, October 11, 1832, March
7, and July 2, 1833, and the Senate edicts of July 25, 1833, February 5 and September
25, 1834, which established the order of “inspecting the Polish nobility” (referring to a
complex of administrative measures, aimed at decreasing the number of nobility) and de-
termining its rights in the status of citizens and smallholders of the western provinces30.
Among them the Imperial edict of October 19, 1831 “On the inspection of the Polish no-
bles in the western provinces, and on the arrangement of such people” should be mentioned.
As it was noted in the act, “the recent events in the provinces returned from Poland proved
that people there, because of the lack of settled life, property and the way of life of many of
them, were most prone to rebellions and criminal actions against the legitimate power”31.
The edict separated the nobility into two groups: those who were able to confirm their noble
origin and were approved by the Heraldic Office, and those who failed to do so, and they were
recorded in specially created groups of smallholders and citizens belonging to taxable groups
of population. Accordingly, their duties included paying taxes and performing public duties.
According to the Russian legislation and legal procedure, from that time, the former Polish
nobles began to be called the nobility. Thus, those who did not prove their noble origin were
divided into two categories: rural and urban citizens. It was the rural residents who were to be
regarded as smallholders. A certain category of educated people of the so-called “free” profes-
sions, such as teachers, doctors, artists, lawyers, and others, were transferred to the category of
honorary citizens. One year was given to be assigned to a definite category, after which it was
envisaged to treat those people who did not properly legalize their social status “as vagrants”32.
28 Бовуа Д. Шляхтич, кріпак і ревізор... – С.145.
29 История Украинской ССР: В 10 т. – Т.4: Украина в период разложения и кризиса феодально-крепостнической
системы. Отмена крепостного права и развитие капитализма (ХІХ в.). – К., 1983. – С.125.
30 Довідка про діяльність ревізійних комісій для розгляду дій дворянських депутатських зібрань в Київській,
Подільській і Волинській губерніях. 31 березня 1839 р. // Київський центральний архів давніх актів: 1852–
1943: Зб. док. у 2 т. – Т.1: 1852–1921. – К., 2002. – С.49.
31 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.2-е. – Отд.2. – Т.VІ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1832. – №4869.
32 Там же.
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149Polish Factor in the Policy of the Russian Power in Right-Bank Ukraine (the End of the Eighteenth Century – 1830s)
Later on, commissions including the Crown representatives were created to inspect
the actions of previous commissions, and later a commission to control those inspectors
was formed. In particular, in the document of inspecting commissions activity of 1839,
it was emphasized that the commissions, established in Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn provinces,
“could assess neither the confidence that the nobility had been endowed by the government
by creating those commissions, nor the importance of the task and, having been taken by
the idea to conceal the abuse of deputies assemblies by indulgent attitude and personal
sympathies, did not meet the expectations of the government in these matters at all”33.
In addition, in 1833, the government created special commissions in the Right-Bank
provinces, which were supposed to regulate the keeping and storing parish and civil regis-
ters, since there were cases of forgery and falsification of documents to prove noble origin.
In December 1833, the Edict of His Imperial Majesty to the Senate signed by Nicholas I
“On the establishment of special commissions for considering parish and civil registers in
the provinces joined from Poland” was issued34. At last, the purposeful policy of the Russian
power authorities regarding this category of the Polish population achieved the desired re-
sult: out of 410 000 potential Polish nobles, more than 340 000 were declassed35.
In the autumn of 1831, a special Commission was created by the order of the Emperor,
and later a Committee in the affairs of the Western provinces headed by the Chairman of
the State Council and the Committee of Ministers V.Kochubei. He was ordered to “bring
all the western lands to conformity with the Great Russian provinces in all spheres of
life”36. The elimination of the Polish judicial-administrative system in the Right-Bank
Ukraine was one of the decisive means of depolonization of the western outlying districts
of the Russian Empire. In the rescript of the Emperor Nicholas I to the Senate dated
October 30, 1831 “On giving all governmental establishments and officials in the western
provinces those names which are accepted in the Great Russian provinces”. The rescript
referred to the replacement of the Polish names of public offices by the Russian ones.
The reformation of the court also took place: the town courts were liquidated, and
district-county courts were renamed into district (uyezd) courts. The appointment of
advisors to provincial boards was carried out by the military governor in coordina-
tion with the ministries, and the appointment of district police inspectors and chiefs
of the town police – by the civilian governor37. Also, the positions of judges and their
assistants in the nobility court, marshals, and cornets, which were not known by the
Russian state structures, were abolished. However, by the time of concluding the Code
of laws of the Western provinces, the Lithuanian Statute was permitted. The introduc-
tion of compulsory using the Russian language in legal proceedings, first in Kyiv and
from June 1, 1832 – in Podillia and Volyn provinces was also one of the effective meas-
ures to limit the Polish influence in the Right-Bank Ukraine38.
In the context of the administrative and legal unification of the annexed territo-
ries, the following Imperially Established edicts should be considered: the Provisions of
the Committee of Ministers of February 5, 1831 “On the replacement of the Magdeburg
Law in Malorossiya by the Lithuanian Statute and general Russian legislation”39; the
33 Довідка про діяльність ревізійних комісій для розгляду дій дворянських депутатських зібрань в Київській,
Подільській і Волинській губерніях. 31 березня 1839 р. – С.49.
34 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.2-е. – Отд.1. – Т.VІІІ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1834. – №6644.
35 Бовуа Д. Шляхтич, кріпак і ревізор... – С.195.
36 Субтельний О. Україна: історія / Пер. з англ. Ю.І.Шевчука. – К., 1991. – С.191.
37 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.2-е. – Отд.2. – Т.VІ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1832. – №4894.
38 Шандра В.С. Генерал-губернаторства в Україні: ХІХ – початок ХХ ст. – С.273.
39 ПСЗ РИ. – Собр.2-е. – Отд.1. – Т.VІ. – Санкт-Петербург, 1832. – №4319.
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150 Valerii Bortnikov, Alla Bortnikova, Nataliia Pavlikha
edict “On the introduction in the Belorussian provinces The institution for the gover-
ning of provinces of the All-Russian Empire and the termination of the Lithuanian
Statute” of February 18, 183140, as well as the abolishment of the Magdeburg Law in
Kyiv and the introduction of the generally accepted order of town administration there.
Thus, from the time of incorporating the Right-Bank Ukrainian regions into the
Romanov Empire after the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, there was a
gradual but steady process of adapting the annexed lands to the rules and cultural traditions
existing in Russia. At the same time, legal rules and mechanisms adequate to the local con-
ditions for governing the territories were being searched and worked out. The solution of the
so-called “Polish issue” was carried out in several directions: including the large Polish no-
bility in the Russian elites by incorporating it into the nobility, giving it the rights and privi-
leges of the Russian nobility; initiating repressions against Polish patriots; transferring most
minor-landed Polish gentry to taxable social categories; limiting the conditions of functioning
the Roman Catholic Church; depolonization and russification of the education.
Apparent contradictions were noted in the Russian governmental policy concerning the
Polish nobility. Those contradictions were stipulated by the task of building up a centralized
state, the necessity to involve the Poles to the local government, and at the same time the
willingness of the power to limit the influence of the Polish nobility on the social-political,
social-economic, and cultural life of the western regions of the Empire. The governments of
Paul I and Alexander I were sure that the model of ruling that had functioned in the central
Russian provinces from 1775 required significant corrections for the annexed territories tak-
ing into account their local traditions. The simultaneous existence of the elements of several
legal systems such as the legal rules and traditions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,
the Russian imperial legislation, etc. demonstrated that policy. Instead, changing the policy
concerning the Polish population under Nicholas I generally corresponded to the strategic ob-
jectives of the imperial policy of centralization and unification of the cultural-national policy
of the Russian Empire, expressed in the ideologeme: “autocracy, orthodoxy, people”.
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Валерій Бортніков
кандидат історичних наук,
професор кафедри політології та державного управління,
Східноєвропейський національний університет ім. Лесі Українки
(Луцьк, Україна), bortnikov.v@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0991-4047
Алла Бортнікова
докторка політичних наук,
професорка кафедри всесвітньої історії,
Східноєвропейський національний університет ім. Лесі Українки
(Луцьк, Україна), allabortnikova@icloud.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8132-1935
Наталія Павліха
докторка економічних наук,
професорка кафедри міжнародних економічних відносин та управління проектами,
Східноєвропейський національний університет ім. Лесі Українки
(Луцьк, Україна), pavlixa2@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5191-242X
Польський чинник у політиці російської влади
у Правобережній Україні (кінець XVIII ст. – 1830-ті рр.)
Анотація. Метою дослідження є з’ясування форм відносин імперського центру з польськи-
ми елітами набутих Росією територій, виявлення особливостей політики царського уряду щодо
їх впливу на Правобережній Україні наприкінці ХVІІІ ст. – у 1830-х рр. Методологія дослідження.
У статті використано низку спеціальних історичних методів: компаративний, процесуальний, по-
літико-правовий, темпоральний, проблемно-хронологічний, контент-аналіз, просопографічний,
герменевтичний та ін. Наукова новизна. З’ясовано динаміку вирішення російською владною верхів-
кою на чолі з імператорами Павлом І, Олександром І та Миколою І «польського питання» в контексті
виявлення специфічних інституційних форм і засобів інтеґрації Правобережжя до Російської імперії.
Висновки. Установлено, що конфіґурації відносин імперського центру з польськими елітами на Пра-
вобережжі у вказаних хронологічних межах визрівали від толерантного ставлення щодо польського
впливу на суспільно-політичний розвиток реґіону до послідовної політики уніфікації та деполонізації
нових територій. За правління Павла І на приєднаних після поділів Речі Посполитої землях було від-
новлено ґенеральний суд, земські повітові та підкоморські суди, замість предводителів дворянства за-
проваджувалися посади ґубернських і повітових маршалів, хорунжих. Підтверджено, що у цей час на
Правобережжі співіснували загальноросійські норми права і приписи Литовського статуту. За Олек-
сандра І було продовжено толерантне ставлення до польського впливу на правобережних теренах,
що передбачало поєднання імперської політики уніфікації з визнанням реґіональних особливостей
та історичної своєрідності приєднаних територій. Зауважено, що принципові зміни в «польському пи-
танні» відбулися за правління Миколи І, після революційних подій у країнах Європи та насамперед
Листопадового повстання 1830 р. Визначено, що відтоді політика російського уряду стосовно поляків
у правобережних ґуберніях здійснювалася за декількома напрямами: залучення польської шляхти до
російських еліт шляхом інкорпорації її до дворянського стану з наданням відповідних прав і привілеїв;
здійснення репресій проти польських патріотів; переведення більшості дрібнопомісної шляхти до по-
датних станів; проведення судової реформи, за якої ґродські суди ліквідовувалися та запроваджува-
лося обов’язкове використання російської мови у судочинстві; обмеження умов існування римо-като-
лицької церкви; деполонізація й російщення освітньо-культурного простору. Підтверджено, що зміна
курсу стосовно польського населення на Правобережжі в 1830-х рр. цілком відповідала стратегічним
завданням імперської політики централізації та уніфікації у сфері державного управління, у правовому,
соціокультурному просторах, закладеним в ідеологемі «самодержавство, православ’я, народність».
Ключові слова: Російська імперія, Польща, Правобережна Україна, адміністративно-територіаль-
ний поділ, судова реформа, деполонізація, російщення.
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