Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution
The paper analyses the phenomenon of legitimacy crisis as a key factor for the revolutionary change. The latter opens the way to a new rationalisation of history, generating new political narratives and giving birth to a new system of laws. This system encounters resistance because of the old regime...
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Iнститут соціології НАН України
2016
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| Zitieren: | Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution / O. Bilyi // Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг. — 2016. — № 4. — С. 189-200. — англ. |
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irk-123456789-1820522021-12-11T01:26:09Z Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution Bilyi, O. The paper analyses the phenomenon of legitimacy crisis as a key factor for the revolutionary change. The latter opens the way to a new rationalisation of history, generating new political narratives and giving birth to a new system of laws. This system encounters resistance because of the old regime’s legal heritage and it is established by counter-power and imaginary institutions. Hence, the radical metamorphosis of political imagination produces certain forms of revolutionary legitimacy. The author develops a theoretical conception of revolutionary legitimacy, taking into consideration the interpretations of revolutionary practices around the w orld along with the experience of the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity. 2016 Article Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution / O. Bilyi // Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг. — 2016. — № 4. — С. 189-200. — англ. 1563-4426 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/182052 316.4 en Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг Iнститут соціології НАН України |
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The paper analyses the phenomenon of legitimacy crisis as a key factor for the revolutionary change. The latter opens the way to a new rationalisation of history, generating new political narratives and giving birth to a new system of laws. This system encounters resistance because of the old regime’s legal heritage and it is established by counter-power and imaginary institutions. Hence, the radical metamorphosis of political imagination produces certain forms of revolutionary legitimacy. The author develops a theoretical conception of revolutionary legitimacy, taking into consideration the interpretations of revolutionary practices around the w orld along with the experience of the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity. |
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Bilyi, O. |
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Bilyi, O. Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг |
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Bilyi, O. |
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Bilyi, O. |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution |
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legitimacy and the discourse of revolution |
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Iнститут соціології НАН України |
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2016 |
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Legitimacy and the Discourse of Revolution / O. Bilyi // Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг. — 2016. — № 4. — С. 189-200. — англ. |
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Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг |
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AT bilyio legitimacyandthediscourseofrevolution |
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Oleh Bilyi
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
OLEH BILYI,UDC 316.4
Doc tor of Sci ences in Phi lol ogy, Pro fes sor of
Philo soph i cal An thro pol ogy and Phi los o phy of
Cul ture, Lead ing Re search Fel low at the De part -
ment of Phi los o phy of Cul ture, Eth ics and Aes -
the t ics, H.S. Skovoroda In sti tute of Phi los o phy,
Na tional Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
Ab stract
The pa per anal y ses the phe nom e non of le git i macy cri sis as a key fac tor for the rev o lu -
tion ary change. The lat ter opens the way to a new ra tion al is ation of his tory, gen er at ing
new po lit i cal nar ra tives and giv ing birth to a new sys tem of laws. This sys tem en coun -
ters re sis tance be cause of the old re gime’s le gal her i tage and it is es tab lished by coun -
ter-power and imag i nary in sti tu tions. Hence, the rad i cal meta mor pho sis of po lit i cal
imag i na tion pro duces cer tain forms of rev o lu tion ary le git i macy. The au thor de vel ops
a the o ret i cal con cep tion of rev o lu tion ary le git i macy, tak ing into con sid er ation the in -
ter pre ta tions of rev o lu tion ary practices around the world along with the experience of
the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity.
Keywords: le git i macy cri sis, rev o lu tion ary change, ra tion al is ation of his tory, leg is la -
tion of the old re gime, po lit i cal nar ra tives.
All the dis en chant ments of his tory won’t al ter the fact of
the mat ter… the time of hu man be ings does not have the
form of evo lu tion but that of “his tory” pre cisely.
Michel Foucault “Use less to Re volt?”
One of the great est chal lenges for in tel lec tu ally en gaged con tem po rar ies of
rev o lu tions con sists in con cep tual is ing the val ues of ex treme civic ac tion. There
are no fail ure-free uni ver sal the o ret i cal lenses that will fa cil i tate a socio-philo -
soph i cal anal y sis of this pre dom i nantly enig matic phe nom e non ap pear ing as “the
ex is ten tial core” (François Furet) at the heart of a given his tor i cal pe riod. How -
ever, types and ways of le giti mis ing po lit i cal power and cer tain pat terns of con -
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 189
sti tut ing so cial rep re sen ta tions can serve as suf fi ciently dis tinct ob jects for anal -
y sis be ing made by care ful ob serv ers of rad i cal re place ment of pub lic con ven tions
by a num ber of the so ci ety’s pro pos als. It should be borne in mind that the three
types of clas si cal Weberian le giti mi sa tion — tra di tional, le gal-ra tio nal and char -
is matic — are ideal types, or, as aptly de fined by one of the found ers of so ci ol ogy,
“re search uto pias”. The 2013–2014 Ukrai nian Maidan is no ex cep tion in this re -
gard. It would also be use ful to emphasise that re search uto pias of that kind are
not ad e quate for a re searcher to com pre hend the socio-po lit i cal dy nam ics of con -
tem po rary so ci et ies drawn into the rev o lu tion ary mael strom. The phe nom ena
like “cold com mu ni ca tion” and its “in dif fer ent alterity”, “meta mor pho ses”, as
orig i nally de fined by Jean Baudrillard, ex ert sig nif i cant in flu ence on to day’s po -
lit i cal, cul tural and even sci en tific pro cesses.
In this case, meta mor pho ses re late to stun ning changes in TV news nar ra -
tives rep re sent ing shock ing sur prises to the re cip i ents of these mes sages. A clear
man i fes ta tion of such “ec stasy of com mu ni ca tion” (Baudrillard) can be seen, for
ex am ple, in the strat egy of de ceit con ducted by Putin’s re gime in the so-called
“hy brid war”. The foot sol diers of the in for ma tion war like Dmitrii Kiseliov in ject
into mass con scious ness all sorts of fab ri ca tions con stantly shuf fling them like a
deck of cards and trans form ing true events into vir tual, phantasmagorical TV re -
al ity.
They take into ac count the fact that hu man mem ory is con fig ured so that it
can not re tain all the con sec u tive stages of “the Big Lie”. A strik ing ex am ple of this
tech nol ogy is a story about a cru ci fied three-year-old boy, which was told by a
col lab o ra tion ist woman from Donets’k. First, the news an chor pre pares the au di -
ence to per ceive this “crown jewel” of the Rus sian state-sanc tioned pro pa ganda:
“The mind re fuses to un der stand how that can be pos si ble at the cen tre of to day’s
Eu rope. The heart does not be lieve that such a thing can be done”. Then fol lows
an in ter view with “a na tive of Transcarpathia”, who, in a tragic tone, talks about
myth i cal great-grand chil dren of the SS “Galicia” com bat di vi sion sol diers
(whose atroc i ties her grand mother had al leg edly wit nessed). In the in ter viewee’s
words, these great-grand chil dren rose from hell where their an ces tors re side — to
com mit the act of cru ci fix ion. Here we have a set of nar ra tives char ac ter is tic of in -
for ma tion war fare. We are asked to “wit ness” the im age of “hell rais ers” sent by
rad i cal evil em bod ied in the myth i cal “great-grand chil dren of the ‘SS’ Di vi sion”
and the ac com pa ny ing scene of in fer nal vi o lence which pro vides the subtext;
more over, in the subtext of the ma nip u la tive tech nol ogy “even fic tion is never
‘just’ fic tion”.
Ref er ences to the SS “Galicia” di vi sion play a sig nif i cant role in to day’s
neo-im pe rial my thol ogy of Rus sia, not least in or der to cover up the ir re fut able
his tor i cal fact that there were six Rus sian mil i tary units within the struc ture of
the SS, in clud ing two di vi sions, two reg i ments, one bri gade and one corps to tal -
ling about 50,000 men: the 29th Waffen Gren a dier Di vi sion of the SS “RONA1”
(1st Rus sian), the 30th Waffen Gren a dier Di vi sion of the SS (2nd Rus sian), Vol -
un teer Reg i ment SS “Varyag” (“The Varangian”), Vol un teer Reg i ment SS “Des -
190 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4
Oleh Bilyi
1 Abbreviation for Russkaia Osvoboditelnaia Narodnaia Armiia (the Russian People’s Libe -
ration Army).
na”, the 1st Rus sian Na tional Bri gade SS “Druzhina” (“The Squad”), and the
15th SS Cos sack Cav alry Corps. Fur ther more, the 29th Waffen Gren a dier Di vi -
sion par tic i pated in the sup pres sion of the War saw up ris ing and the 30th Waffen
Gren a dier Di vi sion fought against the Ma quis in France. The Rus sian mass con -
scious ness is also freed from the “harm ful” knowl edge of the ex is tence of lo cal
Waffen-SS units in most coun tries oc cu pied by Nazi Ger many. Suf fice it to say
that the no to ri ous 33rd Waffen Gren a dier Di vi sion of the SS “Char le magne” (1st
French) was po si tioned in com bat zones around the Reich Chan cel lery, fiercely
de fend ing Hit ler’s bunker as So viet troops were storm ing into Berlin in April
1945.
The story of the “cru ci fied” boy serves as an il lus tra tion of sug ges tion tech -
niques used in Rus sian in for ma tion war fare, namely in the “war of ar che types”, as
it was pre cisely de fined by Pavel Lobkov, a well-known jour nal ist work ing for a
Rus sian TV chan nel “Dozhd’” (“Rain”). [“Rain” TV Chan nel]. It was of the same
na ture, ac cord ing to Lobkov, as a story of the “White Tights” squad con sist ing of
fe male snip ers from the Bal tic coun tries who sup pos edly fought on the side of
“anti-Rus sian” forces and vol un teer units dur ing armed con flicts in Transnistria,
Abkhazia, Chechnia, Dagestan and Nagorno-Karabakh (Up per Karabakh)
through out the 1990s. This fic ti tious im age pro duced by Rus sian im pe rial pro pa -
ganda had been readily taken up by Rus sian jour nal ists, con ser va tive writ ers and
chau vin is tic pol i ti cians.
The “cru ci fix ion” story even tu ally turned out to be “in vented” by a wife of a
DPR (Donets’k Peo ple’s Re pub lic) mil i tant. There are enough rea sons to be lieve
that this fake tale was con sciously com posed ac cord ing to the strat e gies of psy -
cho log i cal war fare de signed by Rus sian se cu rity ser vices (it should be also noted
that the boy’s age and de tails of his “ex e cu tion” var ied from one story-teller to the
next). These strat e gies of ten in volve var i ous dis cur sive shocks and pre pa ra tory
ma nip u la tion of story-lis ten ers’ con scious ness by us ing phrases like “one’s mind
re fuses to un der stand”, “one’s heart can not be lieve”, etc. These nar ra tives func -
tion as pre ven tive le giti mi sa tion for the fab ri cated news to fol low. The pre ven -
tive le giti mi sa tion, in turn, is used to mo bi lise the de mons of ar chaic con scious -
ness, thereby gain ing vic tory in con quest cam paigns.
Pro pa ganda tech niques like these serve as a pre req ui site to com bat ing the
dis course of rev o lu tion and are, ac tu ally, a kind of ver bal ised re sis tance of in for -
mal in sti tu tions. The fact is that each de stroyer of “the old re gime”, whether a
rad i cal trou ble-maker or a mod er ate re former, is bound to deal not only with the
sys tem of for mal po lit i cal in sti tu tions but also with a sys tem of vir tual in for mal
in sti tu tions that of ten serve as a so cial ba sis for the re gime’s ex is tence. Pub lic dis -
course of ten pres ents these vir tual in sti tu tions as a uni ver sal meme also known as
cor rup tion. Char ac ter is ti cally, the so ci ety cus tom arily feeds the ste reo type ac -
cord ing to which cor rup tion pre dom i nantly sig ni fies dif fer ent forms of brib ery.
How ever, cor rup tion can not be lim ited to a sys tem of brib ery, nep o tism or
clientelism. Cor rup tion is pri mar ily a fail ure of state in sti tu tions to prop erly per -
form their func tions; more over, this fail ure has an en tirely planned and in ten -
tional na ture be ing an in te gral part of the state’s privatisation.
As a rule, any rev o lu tion is sup posed to gen er ate a new le gal or der which
serves as a ba sis for the emer gence of a new law. How ever, any at tempt to rec on -
cile law and or der re sults in the for mer’s take over by the ex ist ing or der of things
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 191
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
which has been in place for de cades or even cen tu ries. It is against this or der that
peo ple ac tu ally re bel and de mand that it be re jected be cause it is no lon ger le git i -
mate, es pe cially with re gard to in for mal in sti tu tions. This mainly con cerns cor -
po rate sol i dar ity in the law en force ment sys tem, pub lic pros e cu tion, ju di ciary,
fis cal ser vice, cus toms, etc., in other words, the ad min is tra tive hi er ar chies act ing
as a tool for car ry ing out crim i nal ac tiv i ties based on or gani sa tional, in for ma -
tional and fi nan cial re sources of for mal in sti tu tions.
As a mat ter of fact, rev o lu tion ar ies gain the right to pro duce a new ra tion al is -
ation of his tory which gives pri or ity to nar ra tives re lated to the ex er cise of the
right to re bel and serv ing as a ba sis for le giti mis ing a newly emerg ing po lit i cal re -
al ity.
The Ukrai nian Rev o lu tion of Dig nity is no ex cep tion in this re gard. Suf fice it
to say that for a long time we have been wit ness ing the de ploy ment of a grand
simulacrum called “the fight against cor rup tion”: the es tab lished or der of mu tual
cor po rate cover-ups re peat edly un der mines any at tempt to change things
through le gal ac tion. It was no co in ci dence that the for mer Head of the Se cu rity
Ser vice of Ukraine Valentyn Nalyvaichenko in sisted on es tab lish ing a spe cial tri -
bu nal for the pros e cu tion of both ter ror ists and cor rupt of fi cials. Born by
philistine1 na ture of shady deal ers, such things as dis cus sions, ne go ti a tions and
co or di nated search for the ben e fit pres ent an ob sta cle to the fun da men tal rev o lu -
tion ary re newal of law and hence — to the new le giti mi sa tion. It should be
emphasised that what the Ukrai nian Rev o lu tion of Dig nity de manded was not
just a ro ta tion of the po lit i cal elite but putt ing an end to de gen er a tion of the
state’s po lit i cal in sti tu tions. Dur ing the pe riod of Ukraine’s in de pend ence, the
state’s in sti tu tions were ac tu ally pri va tised, which re sulted in los ing their na -
tional role and turn ing into an en force ment unit of the crim i nal cor po ra tion. The
strug gle for the state as an in stru ment for pur su ing purely cor po rate in ter ests
does not abate even now, at the time of war.
A rad i cal re newal of pub lic dis course is an in te gral part of the rev o lu tion ary
change which is in con ceiv able with out bring ing in no va tions to lan guage and re -
for mat ting the sym bolic space of col lec tive ac tion. Re gard ing the dis course, the
au thor pri mar ily means the ag gre gate of power-knowl edge whose ba sic prin ci -
ples were out lined by Michel Foucault. It is strictly rev o lu tion ary changes in
con di tions and forms of so cial and po lit i cal com mu ni ca tion that pro vide the
stron gest sup port for the idea of dis course as an ag gre gate of power-knowl edge
ad vanced by Foucault. It is in ter est ing to note that there is an old res tau rant in
Paris, which rep re sents one of the sym bolic topoi2 of the French Rev o lu tion. The
res tau rant called Le Procope3 is still run ning to day. It was fre quented by such US
en voys to France as Benjamin Frank lin and Thomas Jef fer son, who ed ited the
text of the “Dec la ra tion of Rights...” at the din ner ta ble. The fu ture lead ers of the
Montagnards Danton and Marat also met there. The floor of the res tau rant is
cov ered with red car pets or na mented with royal lil ies; there fore, all the vis i tors
192 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4
Oleh Bilyi
1 A person who is guided by materialism and is usually disdainful of intellectual or artistic
values.
2 Greek for “places”.
3 Located at 13 Rue de l’Ancienne Comedie, 75006 Paris, France.
have to walk over the tram pled sym bols of the abol ished mon ar chy. Le Procope’s
wait ers wear leather aprons as a sym bol of the Free ma sons who played a sig nif i -
cant role in the French Rev o lu tion. The doors of the restroom are marked with
the plates “for male cit i zens” and “for fe male cit i zens”. The ceil ing of the res tau -
rant fea tures a chan de lier dec o rated with a piece of car mine red cloth in the shape
of a Phry gi an cap, a fa mous sym bol of lib erty and rea son.
Rev o lu tion ary dis course un doubt edly re mains an in te gral part of mod ern so -
cial imag i na tion of the French, be ing an im por tant con stit u ent of le giti mi sa tion
of the na tion-state’s val ues and in sti tu tions. Tak ing a closer look at its his tor i cal
mod i fi ca tions, one can see how all of the so cial de vel op ments and changes in es -
tab lished so cial struc tures re late to the lat ter’s con ser va tive in er tia and the temp -
ta tion of guar an teed power.
It would also be ad vis able to men tion Alexis de Tocqueville who per fectly
dem on strated in the es say “The Old Re gime and the Rev o lu tion” that the French
Rev o lu tion ac cel er ated the de vel op ment of in sti tu tions of the ab so lut ist state
and ad min is tra tive cen trali sa tion by de stroy ing the French no bil ity and cre at ing
a mod ern ad min is tra tive state. The Montagnards ar dently cam paigned just for
this kind of a na tion-state in the Assembleé Nationale Législative. But even tu ally,
the rev o lu tion served as a tran si tion from a tra di tional mon ar chy to the Jac o bin
dic ta tor ship [Furet, 1978: p. 283].
It brought about new forms of le giti mi sa tion whose de vel op ment pri mar ily
de pended on the so-called sociétés de pencée, or “com mu ni ties of think ing” better
known as Masonic lodges. François Furet re fers to these nu mer i cally small but
mil i tant groups as in ter me di ar ies in the pro cess of con sti tut ing an imag i nary his -
tor i cal re al ity by the egal i tar ian so ci ety, call ing them “the ex perts in ideo log i cal
sur re al ism”. It was they who con trib uted to the es tab lish ment of con sent be -
tween anon y mous oligarchs, var i ous go-betweens, com pa nies cre ated by shady
per sons and such in ter change able char ac ters as Brissot, Danton and Robespierre
[Furet, 1978: p. 278].
This pro cess was quite sim i lar to what is go ing on in post-Maidan Ukrai nian
so ci ety to day, where a mech a nism of la tent gov er nance keeps func tion ing and it
is re peat edly as so ci ated with dif fer ent nou veaux riches hav ing a crim i nal re cord,
all kinds of heroes and crooks, pol i ti cians known as “birds of pas sage” since they
have changed their party af fil i a tion too many times to count. The facts of theft of
vol un tary do na tions dur ing the war with Rus sia, brib ery of MPs1; he roic war riors
and fear less de fend ers of the coun try who are at the same time smug glers, ty -
coons-pa tri ots prof it ing from the war — all this con sti tutes the cur rent so cial and
po lit i cal land scape in post-Maidan Ukraine. In con trast to “com mu ni ties of
think ing” pop u lar in the era of the French Rev o lu tion, the pro jects of le giti mi sa -
tion and so cial con sen sus in to day’s Ukraine are put for ward by con sol i dated
groups of cor rupt of fi cials and oli gar chic clans. They do not pro duce his tor i cal
surreality. In stead, they ex ploit such sym bols of dem o cratic le giti mi sa tion as
rights and free doms of cit i zens, the con cept of “the rule of law” and a com pet i tive
mar ket econ omy. In do ing so, they rely on the etatist in sti tu tions, mainly on law
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 193
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
1 A member of parliament.
en force ment agen cies, as well as on the ex ist ing struc ture of gov ern ment and cor -
po rate sol i dar ity of the So viet era mindset.
The trans-his tor i cal va lid ity of the above struc tures can be clearly seen in the
con fig u ra tions of a given pe riod’s lin guis tic land scape. Rev o lu tions gen er ate
clashes of sym bols and con tests be tween lin guis tic strat e gies. These pro cesses
were ana lysed by Karl Marx in the es say “The Eigh teenth Brumaire of Louis Na -
po leon” as early as the mid-19th cen tury (1852). An in no va tive vo cab u lary in -
deed en cour ages rev o lu tion ary change. How ever, lead ing ac tors of rev o lu tions
quite of ten re sort to his tor i cal anal o gies. Re call ing how Mar tin Lu ther put on the
mask of the Apos tle Paul or how the lead ers of the French Rev o lu tion draped
them selves al ter nately in the guise of the Ro man Re pub lic and the Ro man Em -
pire, Marx com pares them to a be gin ner who is learn ing a for eign lan guage and al -
ways trans lates it back into their mother tongue. The be gin ner is un able to as sim -
i late the spirit of the new lan guage un til its re places their na tive tongue [Marx,
1987: p. 8].
Marx’s crit i cal pa thos can be at trib uted to his com mit ment to the ste reo -
types of his pro ject of so cial ist rev o lu tion meant to erase the “orig i nal sin” of the
so ci ety based on the prin ci ples of eco nomic lib er al ism. Alien ation and en slave -
ment of hu mans can be over come through the lib er a tion of the pro le tar iat from
the chains of ex ploi ta tion, through a leap from pre his tory into the realm of his -
tory. How ever, in the 20th cen tury the world wit nessed nu mer ous ex am ples of
bla tant ex ploi ta tion of new slaves in the coun tries which had ex pe ri enced the so -
cial ist rev o lu tion. It is ev i dent that Marx ist con cept of mo der nity and post-mo -
der nity ar ranges his tor i cal events in a diachronic di men sion con sti tuted by the
very “prin ci ple of rev o lu tion” (François Lyotard). Ac cord ing to Lyotard, mo der -
nity al ways con tains the prom ise of self-over com ing by si mul ta neously mark ing
the end of a given pe riod and the be gin ning of a new era. That is why the
post-mod ern is a pri ori wo ven into the fab ric of mod ern tem po ral ity which car -
ries the mo men tum of en ter ing a com pletely dif fer ent state [Lyotard, 1988: p. 34].
Ap peal ing to an out dated so cial pro ject in its his tor i cally ex pired forms of
aestheticised ide ol ogy, to the past-ori ented equiv a lent of dom i na tion is in fact,
an at tempt to re-le git i mate this pro ject. Such re-le giti mi sa tion is con ducted
through the res to ra tion of lin guis tic struc tures and mythologems of the old re -
gime. The will to power emerges as rec ol lec tion, which in turn emerges as ag gre -
gate knowl edge of po lit i cal le git i macy. In this in stance, par a sitic dis course of the
rev o lu tion’s ben e fi cia ries should be dis tin guished from the dis course of re ac tion -
ary forces.
The for mer rep re sents a form of gov er nance strat e gies com pris ing the val ues
of the rev o lu tion’s grand nar ra tive, as well as its sacralised ba sis of val ues and its
ra tio nal ity of dom i na tion. In re al ity, what is con cealed un der the guise of rev o lu -
tion ary rhet o ric is the etatist imag i na tion of the po lit i cal elite and party bu reau -
cra cies. In this re spect, the Ukrai nian Rev o lu tion of Dig nity shares some com -
mon fea tures with the French Rev o lu tion which had no ex tra-so cial ba sis — in
con trast to the Amer i can Rev o lu tion which was rooted in re li gion and Eng lish
Com mon Law, not to men tion the Bolshevik Rev o lu tion based on the pro phetic
pro ject of sci en tific com mu nism or the Nazi Rev o lu tion which emerged from the
rac ist uto pia of Na tional So cial ism. Rev o lu tions al ways con sti tute a dis course
wherein an in sti tu tion al ised truth strives to pre vail over pub lic di a logue. In this
194 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4
Oleh Bilyi
re spect, one should say that the con cept of dig nity be longs to the sys tem of uni -
ver sal rev o lu tion ary codes that very quickly turn into memes. One can men tion
here the dig nity of re li gious com mu ni ties dur ing the Protestant Ref or ma tion, the
dig nity of the Third Es tate at the time of the French Rev o lu tion, the dig nity of
col o nists dur ing the Amer i can Rev o lu tion, the rac ist dig nity in the Nazi Con ser -
va tive Rev o lu tion, the dig nity of the pro le tar iat in the so cial ist rev o lu tion, etc.
On the other hand, as was noted by Cornelius Castoriadis, the rev o lu tion ar -
ies of all time pe ri ods have been ob sessed with the idea of ra tio nal dom i na tion
over his tory and so ci ety con sid er ing them selves to be the true sub jects of so cial
change — a stance that al ready con tains the germ of to tal i tar i an ism [Castoriadis,
1990: p. 164].
By usurp ing the right to be the main rep re sen ta tives of ei ther prog ress or di -
vine prov i dence, the com mis sars of his tory es sen tially de value the re-in sti -
tutionalisation gen er ated by the so ci ety’s col lec tive ac tiv ity. To le giti mise their
pro ject, for ex am ple, the Bolsheviks re sorted to de struc tion of lan guage and de -
val u a tion of the in ner form of words (i. e. the mo ti va tion be hind the names of ob -
jects and phe nom ena), as well as to cre ation of pro phetic sa cral jar gon, im ple men -
ta tion of pid gin vo cab u lary, trivi ali sa tion and pro fa na tion of Marx ist dis course.
A Rus sian prose writer Andrei Platonov aptly rep re sented the fun da men tal char -
ac ter is tics of this pro cess in the story “Kotlovan” (“The Foun da tion Pit”) and in
the novel “Chevengur” which fea ture two com pet ing dis courses: that of the
Bolshevik ex per i ment and that of the orig i nal uto pian im pro vi sa tion, ideo log i cal
jar gon of mo der nity, “the new lan guage” and the ar chaic “mat ter of be ing/ex is -
tence”. The uto pian worldview gen er ated by the power of imag i na tion pre dom i -
nates over the world of lan guage which is closely con nected to the or gani sa tion of
ev ery day life. Just this world de stroys the il lu sion of ab so lute sta bil ity cher ished
by the uto pian mindset. Lit tle by lit tle, ideo log i cal rit u al ism, the schiz oid na ture
of the pub lic di a logue, the art of im i ta tion and the prev a lence of ma nip u la tive
tech nol o gies are be com ing the epiphenomena of the above-men tioned dis course
war.
These ma nip u la tive tech nol o gies have be come “flesh and blood” of the pres -
ent-day oli gar chic re gimes ex em pli fied, in par tic u lar, by Putin’s pro pa ganda
with its mind-bog gling changes in ideo log i cal pri or i ties, such as a re cent switch
from the “Novorossiya” pro ject to that of “Syria as a cra dle of the Or tho dox
Chris tian ity”. The jar gon of au then tic ity (Adorno) in her ent in au thor i tar ian re -
gimes re curs. A large num ber of nar ra tives and sym bolic ges tures char ac ter is tic of
the Byzantine theo cra tic ab so lut ism starts to form the core of the Kremlin’s of -
fen sive dis cur sive ma chin ery. To il lus trate how this ma chin ery works, it is suf fi -
cient to re call Putin’s visit to St. Panteleimon Mon as tery on Mount Athos in
May 2016, when he re quested to be of fi cially re ceived in the cer e mo nial stall in
the Church of the Dormition of the Mother of God — in the place re served for
Byzantine em per ors dur ing the Mid dle Ages.
In the case of the Rev o lu tion of Dig nity, the power-wield ing fel low trav el lers
of Ukrai nian so ci ety’s pas sion-driven re bels be came pos sessed by the demon of
en rich ment and oli gar chic strife. Ever since, they have been treat ing the ide als,
art forms and il lu sions of Maidan as a rhe tor i cal de vice for their dom i nance over
oth ers. They do not lay claim to power over his tory — in stead, they lay claim to
power over so ci ety, which guar an tees their fur ther en rich ment.
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 195
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
To day, power’s ca pac ity for striv ing for le git i macy has been es sen tially in -
creased due to new knowl edge and psy cho log i cal in stru ments aimed at fo ment ing
fears, pho bias, il lu sions, as well as ow ing to the tools for “mo bi li sa tion” of existen -
tials (such as anx i ety, con cern, etc.). The pa thos of gran deur and cer tainty pres ent
in all kinds of tele vised evo ca tions is im planted into the minds of tur moil-stricken
in di vid u als. Si mul ta neously, the style of so cial be hav iour char ac ter is tic of the pe -
riod of post-com mu nism con tin ues to be em u lated and re pro duced, with its main
fea tures in clud ing un bri dled elec toral dem a gogy, the dip lo matic jar gon of po lit i cal
sci en tists and the use of lan guage that hides more than it re veals.
On the other hand, the dis course of “res to ra tion” fights its way. The new lan -
guage is be ing at tacked by trolls com ing from the camp of Ukraine’s stra te gic en -
emy, Rus sia, from the overt and co vert col lab o ra tors, as well as from the pol i ti -
cians rep re sent ing the party of re venge. Only the on go ing war and dan gers as so -
ci ated with “gen tle” col lab o ra tion ism can pre vent this revanchist po lit i cal jour -
nal ism’s dis course from rear ing its ugly head.
How ever, the for mal in sti tu tions that em body dem o cratic val ues are start ing
to work slowly but surely — just as the nar ra tive of rev o lu tion and piv otal lin guis -
tic changes do, draw ing in di vid u als and so ci ety at large into the or bit of the new
world and mir ror ing the same trend in the orig i nal un fold ing of Eu ro pean bour -
geois rev o lu tions. At that time, Alexis de Tocqueville noted that the pe cu liar lan -
guage of Diderot and Rous seau (the in tel lec tu als who pre pared the minds for the
French Rev o lu tion) grad u ally be gan to pen e trate into the cir cles of ad min is tra -
tors, in clud ing of fi cials of the fi nance de part ment, only af ter it spread over and
dis solved in the spo ken lan guage [De Tocqueville, 2000: p. 62].
The socio-po lit i cal struc ture is con sol i dated by re ly ing on a cer tain stan dard
of le giti mi sa tion, as well as on the sym bol ised and sanc tioned ways of rec on cil i a -
tion with the ex ist ing po lit i cal re gime which even the vi cis si tudes of rev o lu tion
fail to neu tral ise. How ever, the change of lin guis tic drap ery re garded as just a
way of chang ing the rep re sen ta tion of so cial struc tures may, in fact, be come one
of the turn ing points dur ing their his tor i cal trans for ma tions. It turns out that lin -
guis tic in no va tion, even as a re vival of the vo cab u lary of an old ep och, brings
about “ge netic” and ir re vers ible changes in the so cial imag i nary — and the more
rad i cal such in no va tion is, the greater op por tu ni ties for trans for ma tion are in -
stilled in the func tion ing of a so cial in sti tu tion.
The tri als con ducted dur ing the French Rev o lu tion could serve as a good ex -
am ple here. For in stance, once the law yers used the ex pres sion “an en emy of the
peo ple” at the trial of Louis XVI, which ended with death sen tence to the king of
France, the con cept of the di vine or i gin of royal su prem acy was bur ied for ever, al -
though the def i ni tion it self had been taken from the jus tice sys tem of An cient
Rome. In the fa mous speech made at the ses sion of the Na tional Con ven tion on 3
De cem ber 1792, Robespierre dis sem i nated the idea of a new law turn ing up side
down the le gal ca su istry and tra di tions of mo nar chi cal jus tice. From then on -
wards, proper phys i cal vi o lence be came a means of le giti mis ing the French Re -
pub lic and the val ues of rev o lu tion ary changes. In this case, the form and mat ter
of le giti mi sa tion were one and the same. Even to day, the above speech re mains an
ex am ple of un sur passed el o quence and a ruth less game of le giti mi sa tion. The
motto of the speech was de ter mined by the de sire to place the King not only out -
side the law but also out side jus tice. Robespierre de manded that the Na tional
196 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4
Oleh Bilyi
Con ven tion pro claim Louis XVI a trai tor to the French na tion and con vict him of
crimes against hu man ity. Courts and ju di cial pro ceed ings, as Robespierre ar -
gued, ex isted only for the cit i zens (membres de la cité): “When a na tion has been
forced to re sort to the right of in sur rec tion, it re turns to a state of na ture as re -
gards its ty rant... The ef fect of tyr anny and in sur rec tion is... to throw them into
mu tual war... Peo ple do not judge like ju di ciary courts. They pass no sen tences;
they hurl the thun der bolt. They do not con demn kings: they thrust them back
into obliv ion; and this jus tice is not in fe rior to that of courts”. So, Robespierre
cor re lates rev o lu tion ary le git i macy with the jus tice of the mind sup ported by po -
lit i cal power [Robespierre, 1792].
Step by step, dis course in no va tions re shape “the imag i nary in sti tu tion of so -
ci ety” (Castoriadis). In to day’s post-Maidan Ukraine, this pro cess is greatly fa -
cil i tated by re nam ing streets, squares, cit ies, towns and vil lages across the coun -
try, be ing im ple mented as a part of the de-com muni sa tion law. As an im por tant
el e ment of the new le git i macy, the pro cess of re shap ing is go ing on de spite a flood
of simulacra and revanchist po lit i cal pub li ca tions. Po lit i cal and so cial ap a thy
along with the mas sive cha otic an o mie, which are the pre req ui sites for oli gar chic
dom i na tion, seem to be grad u ally be com ing things of the past due to the rise of
volunteerism, self-sac ri fice and her o ism, es pe cially af ter the re cent tragic events.
Like all rev o lu tions, the last Maidan tes ti fied to the fact that all ac tors of rev -
o lu tion ary cre ativ ity are the bear ers of new imag i nary in sti tu tions. It is not lim -
ited to a new con scious ness but rep re sents in fi nite pro duc tion and self-re pro duc -
tion of so cial struc tures and strat e gies of com mu ni ca tion orig i nat ing from the
vol ca nic ac tiv ity of agonistic di a logue. His tory has al ways fea tured the sit u a tions
where the cre ation of the new col lided with a self-per pet u at ing vi cious cir cle of
dom i nant so cial struc tures; that was, in fact, what hap pened here in Ukraine. It
would be ad vis able to note that the ba sis of all pro found na tional rev o lu tions
forms due to the abil ity to cre ate such so cial struc tures. More over, as each rev o lu -
tion bears the marks of a given na tional en tity, non-na tional so cial rev o lu tions do
not ex ist. What ever can be said about their char ac ter is tics, rev o lu tions mostly
pre sup pose the cre ation of a na tional state on a new ba sis — which is the case with
rev o lu tions in the United States, Neth er lands, Mex ico, France, the Ital ian Risor -
gimento1, etc. The au thor means, first of all, an imag i nary na tion and a con tin gent
com mu nity. Also, he would like to emphasise the to tal fail ure of all at tempts to
find a le git i mate way out of a self-per pet u at ing cy cle of so cial struc tures. For ex -
am ple, Catalonia and Scot land have been striv ing to do this le gally for quite a
long time, but they still do not have their own na tional states. How ever, the
Great French Rev o lu tion is an other mat ter: pos sess ing no sa cral ba sis, it as sumed
the form of a re li gious rev o lu tion de spite know ing nei ther God, nor wor ship, nor
the af ter life. One of the dis tin guish ing fea tures of na tional rev o lu tions hap pen ing
at that time was the fact that, prior to the emer gence of Chris tian Uni ver sal ism2,
they had a na tional, of ten mu nic i pal, colouration and were cus tom arily lim ited to
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 197
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
1 Risorgimento (Italian: “Rising Again”) is the 19th-century movement for Italian uni -
fication that culminated in the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861.
2 As a Christian denomination, Christian Universalism originated in the late 18th century
with the Universalist Church of America.
their spe cific ar eas out side which they hardly ever broke out [De Tocqueville,
2000: p. 23].
What made the French Rev o lu tion unique was the fact that, by striv ing to es -
tab lish a na tional re pub lic, its ac tors cre ated an in tel lec tual home land for all Eu -
ro pe ans. Sim i larly, by lib er at ing the ter ri to ries of to day’s Ven e zuela, Co lom bia,
Pan ama, Ec ua dor and Peru from Span ish rule, Si mon Bo li var gave im pe tus to the
de vel op ment of Re pub li can ism in South Amer ica and thus con trib uted to the
cre ation of an “in tel lec tual home land” for Latin Amer i cans. The form of his rev o -
lu tion ary pro ject was strongly in flu enced by lead ing ideas of the French Rev o lu -
tion, as well as by so cial and po lit i cal uni ver sal ism of in sti tu tional changes in
France. For ex am ple, while work ing on the Bo liv ian con sti tu tion, Bo li var ex ten -
sively stud ied Montesquieu’s “The Spirit of the Laws” [Lynch, 2006: p. 33].
In the early 19th cen tury, the French model of so cial change be came an in te -
gral part of po lit i cal thought while the con cept of “lib erty” started to be ac tively
used in the Latin Amer i can pub lic dis course. How ever, the le giti mi sa tion of
power in the south ern parts of the New World con tin ued to func tion in re li ance
on the patch work of tra di tional val ues (sacralisation of fam ily and per sonal ties
ex ist ing within large fam ily groups and re li gious com mu ni ties, priv i leged sta tus
of mil i tary cor po ra tions, cult of char is matic and au thor i tar ian lead ers, etc.) and
those of mo der nity (po lit i cal free dom, equal ity, le gal rights and anti-cler i cal ism).
This com pos ite na ture was emphasised by Si mon Bo li var him self when he
blamed his sub or di nates for the fall of the First Ven e zue lan Re pub lic1, not ing
that, in their im i ta tion of an eter nal re pub lic, they did not heed the harsh po lit i cal
re al ity of South Amer ica and its his tor i cal and cul tural par tic u lar ity [Bushnell,
Langley, 2008: p. 136]. In fact, this con cerns the fun da men tal in di vidu ali sation of
each so cial form which ac tu ally de ter mines the course of rev o lu tion ary events
un fold ing on the ba sis of the right to re bel. Re bel lion, in its turn, of ten in volves
dif fer ent forms of vi o lence, in clud ing phys i cal. The “Molotov cock tail”, an in dis -
pens able in stru ment of the driv ing force of re cent his tory, emerges as a dis tinc -
tive sym bol of this vi o lence.
How ever, ev ery rev o lu tion car ries the dan ger of le giti mis ing ter ror be cause
of ei ther mas sive ressentiment or au thor i tar ian ar ro gance of the rev o lu tion’s top
com mis sars. The po lit i cal elite’s trans for ma tion into ex clu sive clubs or man ag ers’
sects that pre vent or di nary peo ple from par tic i pat ing in pub lic af fairs is one of the
main fac tors co erc ing them through ter ror into rev o lu tion ary re forms. De priv ing
their own de ci sions of le git i macy, the po lit i cal elite es sen tially de stroy the very
foun da tion of rev o lu tion ary cre ativ ity and con sti tute a dan ger to the pro ject of
rad i cal dem o cratic changes.
The in sti tu tional fan tasy which be came real ised in to day’s vol un teer move -
ment and other self-or gan is ing struc tures, such as the Right Sec tor2, rep re sents
the prom ise of so cial changes in Ukraine, which could lead to the es tab lish ment
of new val ues and serve as a ba sis for the so ci ety’s self-de vel op ment.
198 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4
Oleh Bilyi
1 Existed from 5 July 1811 to 25 July 1812.
2 A far-right Ukrainian nationalist political party that originated during Euromaidan
events.
To im ple ment the rev o lu tion ary le git i macy means to think of the his tor i cal
pro cess in re li ance on the cat e gory of the pos si ble, likely tra jec to ries of de vel op -
ment, ex per i men tal dis courses and a lab o ra tory of new val ues. The cat e gory of
the pos si ble ac tu al ises the val ues of seem ingly out dated mes sages, as has been the
case with the sal u ta tion “Glory to Ukraine!” — “Glory to the Heroes!”, once com -
mon among the Kholodnyi Yar1 in sur gents, OUN and the UPA mil i tants2. The
sal u ta tion has or gan i cally en tered the vo cab u lary of the pres ent-day Ukraine’s
gov ern ing elite, be com ing a part of the le giti mi sa tion rit ual. The like li hood of
rev o lu tion ary ac tion quite of ten de pends on the pro cess known as “creep ing le -
giti mi sa tion”, which al lows for a grad ual in oc u la tion of the gov ern ing elite weak -
ened by po lit i cal, geopolitical and eco nomic prob lems. What is meant here is the
trans for ma tion from mod er ate po lit i cal nar ra tives (as re flected in the slo gan of
“We de mand a fair elec tion!”) to the rad i cal ones (e. g., “Away with the gang!”).
His tory has re mem bered the slo gans that emerged dur ing the Ukrai nian
Rev o lu tion of 1917–1920: “Long live free Ukraine in free Rus sia!”, “Long live the
Fed eral Re pub lic!”, “Au ton omy to Ukraine!”, “Long live an in de pend ent Uk -
raine headed by a het man!”, etc. It would be ex pe di ent to com pare this dis cur sive
dy nam ics to one’s de sire to pull Le vi a than’s tail be fore the de ci sive bat tle, to a
mil i tary cun ning of the rev o lu tion ary mind. How ever, it is im pos si ble to imag ine
a rev o lu tion un fold ing with out its fun da men tal prin ci ple — peo ple’s will ing ness
to risk their lives (de spite mul ti ple threats and or gan ised state vi o lence), in stead
of en joy ing the sta bil ity of obe di ence and the com fort of so cial con ven tions. Be -
cause of the risk of death, the per son who re bels against the ex ist ing or der de val -
ues and de-legitimises the es tab lished his tor i cal nar ra tives. With out aware ness
of this law un der ly ing all up ris ings, pub lic opin ion is bound to de volve into such
tragic plat i tudes as re flected in the ques tions like “What did the Heav enly Hun d -
red Heroes die for?” In the es say ad dress ing the Ira nian Rev o lu tion of 1979 “Use -
less to Re volt?”, Michel Foucault ar gued that the abil ity to take risk is an in te gral
part of the na ture of power it self: “... the power that one man ex erts over an other is
al ways per il ous. I am not say ing that power, by na ture, is evil; I am say ing that
power, with its mech a nisms, is in fi nite (which does not mean that it is om nip o -
tent, quite the con trary). The rules that ex ist to limit it can never be strin gent
enough; the uni ver sal prin ci ples for dis pos sess ing it of all the oc ca sions it seizes
are never suf fi ciently rig or ous. Against power one must al ways set in vi o la ble laws
and un re stricted rights” [Foucault, 2000: p. 453].
Mean while, one of the char ac ter is tic fea tures of mod ern po lit i cal imag i na -
tion as a ba sis for le giti mi sa tion re mains im preg na ble: it is a purely mod ern di -
chot omy be tween the imag i nary po lit i cal val ues of the state and those of so ci ety
in which the for mer al ways rep re sents “them”, and the lat ter al ways rep re sents
“us”. This fea ture is con sid ered to be a kind of Achil les’ heel and a source of risks
for rep re sen ta tive de moc racy. Hence co mes the de struc tive re sent ment to wards
the gov ern ing elite that emerge as the authorised agents for im ple ment ing the so -
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2016, 4 199
Legitimacy and the discourse of revolution
1 The Kholodnyi Yar Republic lasted from 1919 to 1922, fighting for Ukrainian inde -
pendence and against the Red Army.
2 Abbreviations for Ukrains’ka Povsatns’ka Armiia (the Ukrainian Insurgent Army) and the
Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists.
ci ety’s de mands. Cornelius Castoriadis con trasted the above di chot omy with the
po lit i cal imag i na tion of the an cient Greek polis guided by the prin ci ple “the law
is us and the polis is us”. [Castoriadis, 1990: p. 167–170].
How ever, it seems prac ti cally im pos si ble to re vive the po lit i cal imag i na tion
of the Greek polis, let alone to make it valid. The socio-his tor i cal her i tage and
eco nomic struc ture of to day’s Eu ro pean so ci et ies, as well as con tem po rary geo -
political land scape and in no va tion-based de vel op ment of com mu ni ca tion tech -
nol ogy, com pletely pre vent the re vival of po lit i cal imag i na tion com mon among
the Greek city-state’s cit i zens in the hey day of the Athe nian de moc racy. For ex -
am ple, the idea of jus tice (note that it is a con stit u ent of mod ern so cial and po lit i -
cal imag i na tion) was based on prop erty qual i fi ca tions in tro duced by an Athe nian
states man, law maker and poet Solon. Prop erty qual i fi ca tions stip u lated one’s
right to oc cupy cer tain pub lic po si tions in the polis.
Ev ery rev o lu tion is a prod uct of a le giti mi sa tion cri sis and rep re sents a chal -
lenge to the state’s mo nop oly on vi o lence. The goal of ev ery rev o lu tion con sists in
the es tab lish ment of new so cial and po lit i cal in sti tu tions, or in a re-institu -
tionalisation; how ever, the ex pe ri ence of all rev o lu tions proves that the es tab -
lish ment of such in sti tu tions is not usu ally the re sult of a ra tio nal and pre med i -
tated ac tion. Most of them emerge due to sto chas tic changes and in the pro cess
when peo ple ex er cise their right to re volt and over throw the sys tem of es tab -
lished laws.
There is a clas sic ex am ple of re-institutionalisation rep re sented by “sotnias”
(groups of about 100 peo ple) or gan ised dur ing the Rev o lu tion of Dig nity, in the
mael strom of the strug gle be tween the state struc tures of an au thor i tar ian re gime
and re bel ling cit i zens of Ukraine. Con scious rev o lu tion ary ac tion al ways im plies
the ex is tence of par al lel struc tures of coun ter-power that es tab lish them selves
pri mar ily in the form of po lit i cal imag i na tion. When ever rev o lu tions un fold, this
fun da men tal fea ture of the po lit i cal imag i na tion be comes so lid i fied into the nar -
ra tives about the re la tion ship be tween so ci ety and power; and this is an in dis -
pens able part of rev o lu tion ary le giti mi sa tion.
References
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Oleh Bilyi
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