Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
Most concepts of Europe as a unitary community are characterised by a bipolar scheme where the notion of Europe appears together with contrastive representations of an “anti-Europe” (Arab-Muslim culture, Asia, the Orient, Africa, etc.). There is a mirrored reflective relationship by which the former...
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2017
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irk-123456789-1820712021-12-12T01:26:02Z Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations Giordano, C. Статьи Most concepts of Europe as a unitary community are characterised by a bipolar scheme where the notion of Europe appears together with contrastive representations of an “anti-Europe” (Arab-Muslim culture, Asia, the Orient, Africa, etc.). There is a mirrored reflective relationship by which the former’s basic traits are identified through a presumed diametrical opposition with the latter’s. However, it is misleading to think of Europe as a united civilisation, or even worse, as a sum of cultural areas. As suggested by a Hungarian historianJeno Szucs, a French historian Fernand Braudel and an American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, Europe must be considered as a system of strictly (inter)dependent yet structurally diverse “historical regions”. The rise of the capitalist “world-system” and the emergence of a new international division of labour transformed those regions into core, peripheries and marginal external areas. 2017 Article Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations / C. Giordano // Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг. — 2017. — № 1. — С. 175-187. — англ. 1563-4426 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/182071 930.85 en Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг Iнститут соціології НАН України |
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Статьи Статьи Giordano, C. Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг |
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Most concepts of Europe as a unitary community are characterised by a bipolar scheme where the notion of Europe appears together with contrastive representations of an “anti-Europe” (Arab-Muslim culture, Asia, the Orient, Africa, etc.). There is a mirrored reflective relationship by which the former’s basic traits are identified through a presumed diametrical opposition with the latter’s. However, it is misleading to think of Europe as a united civilisation, or even worse, as a sum of cultural areas. As suggested by a Hungarian historianJeno Szucs, a French historian Fernand Braudel and an American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, Europe must be considered as a system of strictly (inter)dependent yet structurally diverse “historical regions”. The rise of the capitalist “world-system” and the emergence of a new international division of labour transformed those regions into core, peripheries and marginal external areas. |
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Giordano, C. |
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Giordano, C. |
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Giordano, C. |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations |
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Iнститут соціології НАН України |
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2017 |
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Статьи |
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http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/182071 |
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Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations / C. Giordano // Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг. — 2017. — № 1. — С. 175-187. — англ. |
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Социология: теория, методы, маркетинг |
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2025-07-16T00:05:58Z |
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1837759849185673216 |
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Christian Giordano
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
CHRISTIAN GIORDANO,UDC 930.85
Emeritus Professor of Social Anthropology at the
University of Fribourg (Switzerland)
Eu rope: core, pe riph er ies and postcolonial
re la tions
Abstract
Most con cepts of Eu rope as a uni tary com mu nity are char ac ter ised by a bi po lar
scheme where the no tion of Eu rope ap pears to gether with contrastive rep re sen ta tions
of an “anti-Eu rope” (Arab-Mus lim cul ture, Asia, the Ori ent, Af rica, etc.). There is a
mir rored re flec tive re la tion ship by which the for mer’s ba sic traits are iden ti fied
through a pre sumed di a met ri cal op po si tion with the lat ter’s.
How ever, it is mis lead ing to think of Eu rope as a united civili sa tion, or even worse, as a
sum of cul tural ar eas. As sug gested by a Hun gar ian his to rian Jenö Szücs, a French his -
to rian Fernand Braudel and an Amer i can so ci ol o gist Im man uel Wallerstein, Eu rope
must be con sid ered as a sys tem of strictly (inter)de pend ent yet struc tur ally di verse
“his tor i cal re gions”. The rise of the cap i tal ist “world-sys tem” and the emer gence of a
new in ter na tional di vi sion of la bour trans formed those re gions into core, pe riph er ies
and mar ginal ex ter nal ar eas.
The di vide be tween cen tre and pe riph er ies sug gests the ex is tence of power re la tions,
which are postcolonial by na ture. The con se quence of such postcolonial sit u a tion im -
plies a di vi sion of Eu ro pean so ci et ies into he ge monic and sub al tern ones.
Keywords: Eu rope, his tor i cal re gions, cen tre, pe riph er ies, postcolonial power re la -
tions, he ge monic and sub al tern so ci et ies
Introduction
From an an thro po log i cal point of view, Eu rope dis cov ers it self by dis cov er -
ing and con quer ing the rest of the world. Be tween “Eu rope” and “anti-Eu rope”,
which from time to time could be the Arab-Mus lim cul ture, Asia, the Ori ent, or to
a much lesser ex tent Af rica etc., there is a mir rored re la tion ship whose up shot is
to make the for mer iden tify its ba sic traits through a pre sumed di a met ri cal dif fer -
ence with the lat ter. The dif fer ent in tel lec tual con struc tions of Eu rope share a
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 175
com mon de nom i na tor: a scheme, usu ally bi po lar, in which at least one term of
com par i son ap pears be sides Eu rope and re fers mainly to Asia. In other words, the
main ques tion for most of the above-men tioned au thors is as fol lows: how come
Eu ro pean na tions are the only ones that have reached such a high level of civili sa -
tion, while the “other” so ci et ies are still sav age, prim i tive or bar bar ian? Again,
there is the same contraposition be tween “Eu rope” and “anti-Eu rope”.
In the 19th cen tury, the no tion of Eu rope within this di chot omy was hav ing an
in creas ingly he ge monic con no ta tion. That cen tury, which be yond any strictly
math e mat i cal chro nol ogy ends af ter World War I, was char ac ter ised by a bold op -
ti mism that turned out to be an aw ful self-de cep tion, as a Ger man po lit i cal the o rist
Carl Schmitt fit tingly proved. In his tor i cal terms, Eu ro pean “élites” had sur pris -
ingly un der es ti mated, or even dis re garded al to gether, the con sid er able changes
that had been go ing on be yond their con ti nent. Through out the 19th cen tury, as
well as the fol low ing one, Eu ro pe ans ob sti nately emphasised their su pe ri or ity, as
Eric Wolf has aptly high lighted, by stub bornly dis own ing the his tory of “oth ers”
[Wolf, 1982: pp. 3–23]. It is no sur prise that the term “Eu rope” was be ing in creas -
ingly used as a syn onym of “civili sa tion” and “prog ress” [Schmitt, 1974: pp. 272–
275]. From a Eu ro pean point of view, the Old Con ti nent is the only one that could
es tab lish a “civil ising move ment” to “break through the dark ness that en folds en -
tire pop u la tions”, as Leopold II, king of the Bel gians, stated in a sol emn speech in
1876. For this typ i cal rep re sen ta tive of his times, Eu ro pean co lo nial expansion in
the heart of “anti-Eu rope” was “a cru sade wor thy of this cen tury of prog ress”.
What Europe is not. Some misleading and dangerous ideas
Through out the 20th cen tury and into the 21st, no tions of Eu rope with pow er -
ful ideo log i cal im pli ca tions have oc ca sion ally been spread; yet, they can hardly en -
dure a his tor i cal, so cio log i cal and an thro po log i cal anal y sis. The idea of “Eu ro pean
civili sa tion” as a ho mo ge neous and “mono lithic” en tity was the most pop u lar and
po lit i cally rel e vant. How ever, the term “Occident” (or “Abendland”, which means
the op po site of “Morgenland”, or the Ori ent) was of ten used as a syn onym of “Eu ro -
pean civili sa tion”. More or less ex plic itly, these con cepts call to mind pre sumed
uni fy ing val ues stem ming from a Chris tian her i tage; there fore, “Eu ro pean civili sa -
tion” was seen as the cen tre and bul wark of Chris tian ity. His tor i cally and socio-an -
thro po log i cally mis lead ing, this con cept of Eu rope was an ideo log i cal back bone
(al beit not the only one) of bla tantly anti-dem o cratic and to tal i tar ian po lit i cal
move ments. Ger man Na zism and Ital ian Fas cism re garded them selves as the sole
up hold ers of “Eu ro pean civili sa tion” and stren u ous pal a dins of “Chris tian ity” par -
tic u larly against So viet Bolshevism, which, due to his tor i cal mys ti fi ca tions, was
stig ma tised as “Asian”, hence “alien” to Eu rope. Other re gimes with sim i lar ideo -
log i cal back grounds, such as au thor i tar ian and dic ta to rial gov ern ments and move -
ments in Cen tral and East ern Eu ro pean coun tries, as well as Francoism in Spain
and Salazarism in Por tu gal, re sorted to anal o gous ideas.
The most rel e vant in tel lec tual ex pres sion of “Eu ro pean civili sa tion” as the
cen tre and bul wark of the “Chris tian Occident” was the “Eu rope” Con gress held
in Rome in 1932, or gan ised by the “Fondazione Alessandro Volta” and pat ron -
ised by It aly’s Prime Min is ter and Chief of Cab i net Benito Mus so lini. The con -
gress pro ceed ings re veal that this in ter pre ta tion of Eu rope co in cides with the
176 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1
Christian Giordano
idea of “Chris tian Occident”, from which Rus sia (as an “Asian” so ci ety), how -
ever, must be ruled out, as Al fred Weber and oth ers emblematically un der scored
in their con tri bu tions [Atti dei convegni, 1933: pp. 46–81, 146–152].
Eu rope as a “united civili sa tion” em bod ied in the “Chris tian Occident” is not
a by gone idea since it can still be traced in sev eral po lit i cal sub jects of Eu ro pean
Islamophobic far-right par ties, such as France’s Na tional Front and pop u list
fringes in Ger many, Aus tria, It aly, Hun gary, etc. These ac tive and no lon ger mar -
ginal move ments re sort to sim i lar con cepts to as sert their vi o lent hos til ity to -
wards im mi gra tion, es pe cially from Is lamic and/or non-Eu ro pean coun tries.
Still, the no tion of Eu rope’s “Judeo-Chris tian or i gins” and “Judeo-Chris tian
iden tity” is not an ideo log i cal leit mo tif used solely by the rad i cal right, since
heated de bates about de fin ing the Old Con ti nent in the failed Eu ro pean Con sti -
tu tion pro ject not only brought these spec tres to the fore again but ac tu ally
strength ened them and made them nearly ac cept able.
The “united civili sa tion”, or “Chris tian Occident”, and Judeo-Chris tian vi -
sion of Eu rope are dan ger ous ideas since they sug gest the pur suit of cul tural, de -
nom i na tional and maybe even eth nic ho mo ge ne ity based upon the “ex clu sion
strat egy” and a ra cial pu rity myth, which caused lots of Eu rope’s trag e dies in the
past cen tury.
This vi sion of Eu rope is mis lead ing since it is far from be ing the con ti nent’s
past, as well as pres ent so cial struc ture. Con sid er ing only the de nom i na tional as -
pect, a far more dif fer en ti ated, less com pact and con gru ent set ting is due to the
cen tu ries-old pres ence in Eu rope of sig nif i cant non-Chris tian com mu ni ties such
as the Mus lim one, as well as mo men tous events like the Great Schism (1054), the
Protestant Ref or ma tion (the 16th cen tury) and sub se quent ne far i ous wars of
religion.
Europe: a system of “historical regions”
A Ger man phi los o pher Ernst Bloch ad vises against turn ing Eu rope as a
highly dif fer en ti ated so cial en tity into a mere sum of “cul tural ar eas”, be cause this
would turn “his tory… into a cir cus [with] three or more [sep a rate] rings” [Bloch,
1985: p. 127]. Eu rope must be re garded as a sys tem of strictly (inter)de pend ent
yet struc tur ally di verse “his tor i cal re gions” re veal ing dif fer ences and gaps.
A Hun gar ian his to rian Jenö Szücs stresses that from the early Mid dle Ages
on wards Eu rope be gan to dif fer en ti ate socio eco no mi cally, giv ing rise to the two
dif fer ent poles: “Europa occidentalis” and “Europa orientalis”. A sec ond eco nomic,
socio-struc tural and cul tural di vi sion, which in cludes all so ci et ies in volved in the
Great Schism, oc curred be tween the 11th and 14th cen tu ries.
Szücs’ ar gu ments are rel e vant to so cial sci ences be cause they re veal how pro -
cesses dat ing back to the re mote past have cre ated eco nomic, socio-struc tural
and cul tural dif fer ences in Eu rope that still hold true. Con cern ing this sub ject, it
is use ful to add Im man uel Wallerstein’s anal y sis of Eu rope in cor po rated in the
“world-sys tem” yet di vided into “core”, “semi-pe riph er ies” and “pe riph er ies”.
How ever, in this pa per I will not con sider the no tion of semi-pe riph ery since it
ap pears to be non-es sen tial and mis lead ing as well.
It is cur rently taken for granted that a new sys tem for or gan is ing and man ag -
ing econ omy rose and spread from the Old Con ti nent be tween 1450 and 1640.
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 177
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
Max Weber la belled this new sys tem ra tio nal cap i tal ism [Weber, 1978: pp.
207–236]. Ac cord ing to Wallerstein [Wallerstein, 1974: pp. 347–357], as well as
to a French his to rian Fernand Braudel [Braudel, 1979: pp. 246–265], amongst
oth ers, ex pan sion ist move ments are in her ent in this new model of eco nomic and
so cial be hav iour. Cap i tal ist econ omy’s world wide ex pan sion im plies a new setup
of re la tion ships be tween eco nomic part ners: so ci et ies, states, re gions, cit ies,
towns, etc. These new re la tion ships based on a stron ger (inter)de pend ence also
im ply a new in ter na tional di vi sion of la bour that will per me ate so cial struc tures
and cul tural mod els of all so ci et ies in volved in the pro cess of cap i tal ist “world-
sys tem” for ma tion. Ac tu ally, eco nomic fac tors from then on be came much more
sig nif i cant not only in de fin ing roles and po si tions but also in de ter min ing in -
equal i ties and iden ti ties.
How ever, the in ter na tional di vi sion of la bour within the “world-sys tem” is
also based on a sys tem atic sep a ra tion of core, pe riph er ies and ex ter nal zones. Eu -
rope at first and then the whole world were di vided into a def i nite num ber of re -
gions. Some of them un der went a his tor i cal ac cel er a tion, quickly mod ern is ing
most of their so cio eco nomic struc ture, while oth ers had to ex pe ri ence cen tu -
ries-old so cio eco nomic stag na tion and even grow ing im pov er ish ment. The
“world- sys tem”, along with its in trin sic (inter)de pend ence re la tion ships, has had
a tre men dous im pact on Eu rope’s so cio eco nomic and cul tural setup. In fact, it not
only height ened pre-ex ist ing di vi sions but also cre ated new “his tor i cal re gions”
such as Med i ter ra nean Eu rope ex tend ing from the At lan tic Ocean to the Adri -
atic Sea. There fore, from the 15th cen tury on, Eu rope be came more di ver si fied in
all as pects due to the dif fer ences be tween its core and var i ous pe riph er ies.
The fol low ing clas si fi ca tion high lights roles and tasks of Eu rope’s “his tor i cal
re gions” within the new in ter na tional di vi sion of la bour.
Northwestern Europe
Due to their spe cific so cio eco nomic and cul tural dy nam ics, this re gion’s so ci -
et ies are the pri mor dial core of the new “world-sys tem” which be gan to form in
Eu rope. As a mat ter of fact, the feu dal sys tem’s fi nal and rel a tively early break -
down, along with the ap pear ance and growth of closely in ter con nected yet po lit i -
cally and eco nom i cally au ton o mous cit ies, en abled the ad vent of a fledgeling
bour geois stra tum, which, thanks to their spe cific out look, spurred out stand ing
eco nomic growth, as well as prim i tive ac cu mu la tion of cap i tal, the likes of which
did not oc cur at that time in other parts of the Old Con ti nent or else where. This
eco nomic and socio-cul tural pro cess went hand in hand with the in ven tion of ma -
jor tech no log i cal tools, es pe cially in the then lead ing sec tor such as tex tiles.
These in no va tions not only boosted the con junc ture but also ex panded the in -
dus trial is ation and mar ket ing of man u fac tured goods. Such a de vel op ment
model must be re garded as the first ap pear ance of a far more wide spread phe nom -
e non known as the “In dus trial Rev o lu tion”.
The con sol i da tion and ac cu mu la tion of cap i tal at the core of the ris ing
“world-sys tem”, of course, could not have oc curred with out other so cio log i cally
sig nif i cant con cur rent pro cesses: the for ma tion of strong ter ri to rial states [Brun -
ner, 1968: pp. 96–99; Wallerstein, 1974: pp. 225–294], the co lo nial ex pan sion of
core coun tries [Bendix, 1980: pp. 21–28] and the con ver sion of aris to cratic
178 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1
Christian Giordano
classes into bour geoi sie in sev eral re gions of Eng land and Hol land, which, us ing
Saint-Si mon’s ter mi nol ogy, trans formed from classes paresseuses into classes
travailleuses with their own spe cific en tre pre neur ial spirit. From the out set, this
core in cluded south ern Eng land, north-east ern France, Flan ders, Hol land and
the wes tern most part of Ger many. North ern Spain and north ern It aly, other ar -
eas of Ger many and most of Swit zer land, Aus tria, Bo he mia and Scan di na via
joined in dif fer ent sub se quent pe ri ods.
Mediterranean Europe
This “his tor i cal re gion”, be ing for cen tu ries the Old Con ti nent’s so cio eco -
nomic and cul tural hub, was turned into a vast pe riph ery by the new in ter na tional
di vi sion of la bour in her ent in the cre ation of the “world-sys tem”. It pro vided the
core with food stuffs and raw ma te ri als for the grow ing tex tile in dus try. From a so -
cio eco nomic point of view, the area com pris ing Por tu gal (prin ci pally Alentejo),
Spain (in par tic u lar, Andalusia, La Mancha and Extremadura) and It aly (es pe -
cially “Mezzogiorno”, i. e. the south ern part and the is lands) was ruled by a sys tem
of latifundia re li ant on wheat mono cul ture and/or stock farm ing be long ing to an
ab sen tee ar is toc racy. In fact, as early as the 17th cen tury this class had de serted
their latifundia and, in ac cor dance with their ideal of ur ban life, had moved to large
cit ies such as Palermo, Na ples, Rome, Se ville, Ma drid, Lis bon, etc., where they ba -
si cally de voted them selves to an “otium cum dignitate” dis re gard ing the “negotium”,
i. e. look ing af ter one’s own eco nomic in ter ests. Their vast prop er ties were ad min is -
trated by large ten ants who were sub let ting to smaller ones, who in turn would sub -
lease to the small est peas ants. This long rent chain led to a dev as tat ing frag men ta -
tion. Too many peo ple with out any pro duc tive ac tiv ity lived ex clu sively off the
land and backs of those who ac tu ally tilled it.
Even though the bank ing sys tem, ra tio nal cap i tal ism’s pil lar, was de vel oped
in Re nais sance It aly and the two Ibe rian states (Spain and Por tu gal) were the
first ones to rely on im pe rial col o nies, Med i ter ra nean Eu rope’s struc ture was
rooted in the above-men tioned agrar ian so ci et ies and econ o mies from the 16th
cen tury up to most of the 20th cen tury. Fernand Braudel [Braudel, 1982: vol. 2, p.
71] has fit tingly stated that it was the Med i ter ra nean pe riph ery where the “trea -
son of the bour geoi sie” hap pened. In other words, dur ing the es tab lish ment of
cap i tal ist “world-sys tem”, the ris ing bour geoi sie of this “his tor i cal re gion” nei -
ther played a spe cific role nor had their own spe cific eco nomic be hav iour. Their
ideal was to im i tate the ar is toc racy as a ref er ence group. This matched the eco -
nomic and so cial be hav iour of large and small ten ants in Andalusia, La Mancha
and Extremadura, as well as in Sic ily and south ern It aly. Roughly up to now, they
have led a typ i cally “Rentenkapitalisten” pas sive ex is tence based on the prin ci ple
of “dig ni fied idle ness”. There fore, the ab sen tee ar is toc racy’s be hav iour is their
model while they hope to rise to no bil ity through mar riage strat e gies.
East Central Europe
This “his tor i cal re gion”, with a few ex cep tions, lies be tween the two imag i -
nary bound aries traced by Jenö Szücs. It is Eu rope’s sec ond vast pe riph ery and
one of the core’s ma jor sup pli ers of food stuffs (ce re als, po ta toes, etc.) and raw ma -
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 179
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
te ri als (pelts, wax, lum ber, etc.). The typ i cal so cio eco nomic scen ery of Eu rope’s
sec ond pe riph ery was in West and East Prus sia, Lith u a nia, the other two Bal tic
coun tries (Es to nia and Lat via), the Great Hun gar ian Plain (Nagy-Mag yar
Alföld) and the Lower Dan ube Plain in Ro ma nia, be sides Po land’s so-called east -
ern ter ri to ries. In these bound less ar eas lay the vast landed es tates of East Cen tral
Eu rope’s ar is toc racy: ma jor Pol ish and Hun gar ian no ble fam i lies, Bal tic over lords
(de scen dants of Teu tonic Knights), Ro ma nian boy ars, etc. In con trast to the core
re gions, where feu dal re la tions had been re placed by wage la bour in all sec tors of
econ omy, the in sti tu tion of serf dom was the rule in these vast es tates nearly up to
the end of the 19th cen tury. As the Ro ma nian ex am ple shows, there were also free
peas ant com mu ni ties, which, de spite their an ces tral tra di tion of au ton omy, led a
so cially mar ginal ex is tence and were char ac ter ised by a sub sis tence econ omy
[Stahl, 1980: pp. 1–11].
The most dis tin guish ing so cial phe nom e non of this Eu ro pean pe riph ery af ter
the ap pear ance of the “world-sys tem” was that serf dom re la tion ships were nei -
ther abated nor up rooted; in stead, they were re vived in a phe nom e non that his to -
ri ans unan i mously call “sec ond serf dom” [Marx, 1975: p. 202; Bloch, 1937, pp.
606–610; Stahl, 1980: pp. 1–11; Wallerstein, 1974: pp. 95–103].
How ever, “re newal of serf dom” does not im ply a mere re pro duc tion or per sis -
tence. Ac tu ally, great land own ers in tro duced new farm ing meth ods in or der to
in crease yield of crops, mainly ce re als, bring ing down harsher la bour and liv ing
con di tions on peas ants. Prod ucts from the great prop er ties be came com mod i ties,
in creas ingly traded on the in ter na tional mar ket, rather than means of sub sis -
tence. The “sec ond serf dom” in East Cen tral Eu rope was also ac com pa nied by the
for ma tion of new groups of great land own ers with a strong “cor po rate spirit” and
staunch po lit i cal and so cio eco nomic am bi tions, such as Prus sian “Junker”, Pol ish
“szlachta” and Hun gar ian “gen try”.
Thus, while the Med i ter ra nean pe riph ery faced the “bour geoi sie trea son” dur -
ing the “world-sys tem” for ma tion pro cess, the East Cen tral Eu rope un der went the
“ma no rial re ac tion” whose sig nif i cant in flu ence is still rife in the re gion’s so cial and
eco nomic struc ture [Dobb, 1946, pp. 51–55; Wallerstein, 1974, pp. 95–103].
South-Eastern Europe
This “his tor i cal re gion” in cludes mainly the Bal kans (ex cept Ro ma nia). It is a
pe cu liar case since Eu rope’s south-east was first marked by a late es tab lish ment
(only in the 11th cen tury) of a spe cific form of feu dal ism in tro duced by the
Byzantines; then it was dom i nated by the Ot to man Em pire for al most five hun -
dred years [Kaser, 2002: p. 102].
The Ot to man Em pire be came a part of the “world-sys tem” much later, in the
18th cen tury; i. e. dur ing its man i fes ta tion of dec a dence when it was known as the
“sick man upon the Bosphorus”. How ever, even un der Ot to man rule the Bal kans
was a poor pe riph ery. It was lo cated on the pre car i ous bor der be tween the Ot to -
man and Austro-Hun gar ian em pires, which had been con front ing each other
along the so-called Militärgrenze for cen tu ries. There fore, the cir cum stances of
this “his tor i cal re gion” should not be com pared to other more flour ish ing so cio -
eco nomic ar eas of the Ot to man Em pire such as the Lower Mesopotamian Plain
or the Nile Val ley.
180 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1
Christian Giordano
To make mat ters worse, the Bal kans ex pe ri enced a de gen er a tion of the pat ri -
mo nial sys tem based on land grants (at first non-he red i tary) by the sul tan to his
sol diers and ad min is tra tors in ex change for tax col lect ing and sol dier re cruit -
ment from the lo cal pop u la tions. This dis tor tion caused a wide spread oc cur rence
of a form of he red i tary and par a sitic latifundism based on the “çiftlik” re gime, a
type of own er ship sim i lar to allodial prop erty that could be abol ished only thanks
to re forms in the 19th cen tury (tanzimat) [Adanir, 1979: p. 31]. How ever, in the
last Eu ro pean ram parts of the Ot to man Em pire such as Al ba nia and Mac e do nia
“çiftlik” was abol ished only in the 1920s.
Au ton o mous peas ants, i. e. not sub ject to the “çiftlik” re gime, as the case of
Bul garia shows, lived al most ex clu sively in the moun tain ous re gions and had to
cul ti vate small, scarcely pro duc tive plots of land that yielded only a mea gre sub -
sis tence.
The Bal kans’ des tiny within the “world-sys tem” was thus to be come a “pe -
riph ery of the pe riph ery” af ter be ing a mar ginal part of what Wallerstein calls an
“ex ter nal area”: a sit u a tion whose con se quences last up to now.
Eastern Europe
This Eu ro pean pe riph ery roughly cor re sponds to the third “his tor i cal re gion”
de scribed by Szücs, not in clud ing, how ever, the vast area south of the Car -
pathians. There fore, it is the ter ri tory that be longed to the de funct Rus sian Em -
pire west of the Ural Moun tains, which then spread south of the Cau ca sus with
the in cor po ra tion of mar ginal ex ter nal ar eas (such as Geor gia and Ar me nia) be -
tween 1801 and 1878.
Dur ing its first cen tu ries this enor mous coun try was an “ex ter nal area” in re -
gard to the “world-sys tem”, as Fernand Braudel un der lines, with a dis tinc tive so -
cio eco nomic sys tem [Braudel, 1986: p. 492–520]. A com mu ni tarian land prop -
erty re gime (“mir”, “obšèina”) and a pe cu liar land patrimonialism by which an im -
pe rial “of fi cial”, “ar ro gated” prop erty ad min is trated on be half of the tsar were the
so cio eco nomic struc ture’s cor ner stone.
On the one hand, the peas ant com mu ni ties’ ag ri cul tural ac tiv i ties were char -
ac ter ised by an ex tremely low pro duc tiv ity, as well as by the en dur ance of ob so -
lete farm ing meth ods and an ar chaic tech nol ogy [Riasanovsky, 1984: pp. 429–
434; Gerschenkron, 1962: p. 706]. It is not sur pris ing that in the late 19th and
early 20th cen tury some en light ened re form ists, such as the then prime min is ter
Stolypin, tried, nearly al ways in vain, to re place com mu ni tarian own er ship with
an in di vid ual one [Riasanovsky, 1984, pp. 415–417]. On the other hand, the pat -
ri mo nial own er ship sys tem was char ac ter ised by a marked ab sen tee ism of the
ben e fi cia ries and by an ob so lete and par a sitic latifundistic pro duc tion.
For these two rea sons, his to ri ans com pared the sit u a tion en gen dered by such
a struc tural pe cu liar ity, which lasted up to the Rus sian Rev o lu tion (1917), to a
“bog of mis ery” [Riasanovsky, 1984: p. 415]. How ever, East ern Eu rope’s grad ual
in te gra tion into the “world-sys tem”, which be gan in the 18th cen tury, would al -
ways be want ing. From then on, Rus sia con tin ued to be a Eu ro pean “ex ter nal
area” and never be came an ac tual pe riph ery or a core state.
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 181
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
Peripheries in the core and cores in peripheries
The new in ter na tional di vi sion of la bour and the es tab lish ment of the
“world- sys tem” have not rig idly and con cisely dif fer en ti ated the Eu ro pean con ti -
nent; there are sig nif i cant asym me tries within each “his tor i cal re gion”. In other
words, there are pe riph er ies in the core, such as Scot land, Ire land and some
moun tain ous or iso lated re gions, e. g., in the Alps or the Pyr e nees, as well as “mi -
cro-cores” in pe riph er ies, such as some com mer cial ports on the east ern shore of
the Bal tic Sea (Königsberg, Danzig/Gdañsk, Riga and other Han se atic cit ies,
etc.), on the Adri atic (Ragusa/Dubrovnik), the Aegean (Thessalonica, Smyr -
na/Ýzmir) and on the Black Sea (Odesa).
“Historical regions” and present socioeconomic gaps
The rea son why ref er ence is made to the his tor i cal pro cesses that es tab lished
and af ter wards char ac ter ised the so cial or gani sa tion and eco nomic struc ture of
the “world-sys tem”, par tic u larly of Eu rope’s “his tor i cal re gions”, is, first of all, a
socio-an thro po log i cal con cern re gard ing the pres ent rel e vance of the course of
his tory. In deed, the es tab lish ment of the “world-sys tem” and the in creas ing in ter -
na tional di vi sion of la bour, which melded the Eu ro pean core with its pe riph er ies,
are the pri mary com po nents of an ep ochal his tor i cal change whose so cio eco -
nomic and cul tural con se quences are still vis i ble and act ing to this day.
The gaps that ap peared be tween Eu rope’s “his tor i cal re gions” dur ing the es -
tab lish ment of the “world-sys tem” are still plain to see. The North–South gap
within the Old Con ti nent mir rors the past his tor i cal, socio-struc tural and eco -
nomic dif fer ences be tween the core and the Med i ter ra nean pe riph ery. How ever,
even the in te gra tion of these two “his tor i cal re gions” into the Eu ro pean Un ion has
not elim i nated this gap to date. The so-called “EU en large ment to wards the East”
is also prob lem atic spe cif i cally due to dis crep an cies be tween East and West (not
only be cause the for mer lived un der so cial ism for fifty years), which em body old
bound aries be tween the Eu ro pean core and the east cen tral pe riph ery. The Bal -
kan sit u a tion, which is char ac ter ised by a fee ble in dus trial is ation and an in com -
plete mod erni sa tion from both a socio-cul tural and an eco nomic view point, is
ow ing to the fact that this area has been a pe riph ery of the pe riph ery for cen tu ries.
Fi nally, the pres ent-day Rus sia with its dis tinct “de vel op ment model” torn be -
tween cap i tal ist mod els and (pre)so cial ist com mu ni tarian re viv als, is ad her ing to
its typ i cal “tra di tion” of lin ger ing on the bor ders of the “world-sys tem”. The gaps
be tween core and pe riph ery are de tect able not only inter-re gion ally but also
within the states. In fact, states that strad dle “his tor i cal re gions” have strongly
“dualistic” so ci et ies, econ o mies and cul tures. For ex am ple, It aly is di vided into
North and South; Spain has dis crep an cies be tween Catalonia, Basque Coun try
and the rest of the coun try. There were cer tain dif fer ences be tween Bo he mia and
Slovakia in the for mer Czecho slo va kia; as far as the for mer Yu go sla via is con -
cerned, Slovenia and Croatia were more con nected to the core while Ser bia,
Bosnia and Mac e do nia be longed to the south-east ern pe riph ery.
182 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1
Christian Giordano
Persistent peripheries:
from Soviet dominance to European Union asymmetries
At this point, we need to re mark that the en large ment of the Eu ro pean Un ion
to wards the East and the so-called acquis communautaire of the for mer com mu -
nist bloc coun tries have fallen short of the new mem bers’ ex pec ta tions. In the end,
the acquis communautaire has turned out to be a chi mera just like so cial ism, i. e. a
rhe tor i cal or na ment show ing dis qui et ing sim i lar i ties with the no tion of mis sion
civilisatrice used by the French in Af rica to pro vide a hu man i tar ian ve neer to he -
ge monic co lo nial ist pol i cies. Yet, we need to add that the term “so cial ism” also
was an ideo log i cal ruse em ployed by the So viet Un ion to dis guise a semi-co lo nial
im pe rial dom i nance in East ern Eu rope.
On the whole, be tween the so cial ist and post-so cial ist ep ochs there is prob a -
bly more con ti nu ity than dis con ti nu ity, es pe cially in terms of a per sis tent pe riph -
eral con di tion of East ern Eu rope’s so ci et ies. In deed, I am far from claim ing that
the So viet dom i nance pol icy is anal o gous, or even iden ti cal to the in cor po ra tion
of the for mer East ern Bloc coun tries into the Eu ro pean Un ion. Yet, the failed
tran si tion af ter the imag i nary rev o lu tion has un de ni ably led to a sit u a tion of so -
cio eco nomic de pend ence in East ern Eu rope over all com pared to the tra di tional
cen tre rep re sented by the Eu ro pean Un ion’s more dy namic coun tries and re gions
(such as Ger many, France, the United King dom, Bel gium, the Neth er lands,
Scan di na vian states, as well as north ern It aly and north ern Spain), al beit a def i -
nitely less con strain ing de pend ence than that im posed by Mos cow.
This de pend ence be tween North west and East, just like the ev i dent one be -
tween North west and South, has been a bo nanza for the core. Busi ness in the core
has been able to rely on cheap la bour force, po lit i cally very doc ile be cause of be ing
rather sceptical of the new trade un ions per ceived as a déjà vu of the pre vi ous pe -
riod. Delocalisation to the pe riph ery and im mi gra tion to the cen tre have been a
shot in the arm for Eu rope’s more pros per ous ar eas, but not for post-so cial ist
East ern Eu rope, which, de spite the in tro duc tion of a mar ket econ omy and
so-called dem o cratic po lit i cal sys tems, ex pe ri enced a fur ther eco nomic and so cial
de cline, aside from a few ex cep tions such as Po land. East ern Eu rope, there fore, is
still a pe riph ery, no lon ger de pend ent on Mos cow but on Brussels.
The Euro-scep tic wind blow ing es pe cially over the East ern Eu ro pean pe -
riph er ies is ev i dence of pe riph eral so cial knowl edge. Prac ti cally no one wants to
back track and re in tro duce a So viet-like sys tem; on the other hand, prac ti cally
ev ery one is aware of the cur rent pe riph eral sta tus of their coun try, de pend ent on
an eco nom i cally and po lit i cally more pow er ful cen tre. There is a grow ing un der -
stand ing that the Eu ro pean Un ion is an or gani sa tion where a struc tural asym me -
try and dis par ity be tween rich and pow er ful rel a tives and poor and uninfluential
rel a tives are at work. Ana lys ing both the so cial ist and post-so cial ist pe ri ods, a
Hun gar ian his to rian Ivan T. Berend aptly speaks about a de tour from the pe riph -
ery to the pe riph ery [Berend, 1996: pp. 341–381]. The point, though, is that the
de tour, in Braudel’s ter mi nol ogy (thus avoid ing an overly presentist ap proach),
is a longue durée [Braudel, 1977: pp. 47–85]; since, as men tioned above, it stems
from the rise of the “world-sys tem”.
Dwell ing on as pects of de pend ence and dis par ity would fall short of the
mark, as I also need to thematise the cur rent power re la tions be tween Eu rope’s
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 183
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
cen tre and pe riph er ies. Cen tu ries-old and, as shown above, cur rently re con -
firmed struc tural asym me tries oc cur along with re la tion ships of dom i nance by
which core coun tries are able to im pose their will on other so ci et ies in or der to en -
sure and as sert their own po lit i cal and eco nomic in ter ests. At this very mo ment,
we are wit ness ing an ob vi ous man i fes ta tion of how these power strat e gies are set
in mo tion by core coun tries over the heads of pe riph ery coun tries within the EU,
de spite the pur ported equal ity of its mem bers. I am clearly re fer ring to South ern
Eu ro pean coun tries, the so-called PIGS — Por tu gal, It aly, Greece and Spain —
though the pe riph eral Ire land and a num ber of the for mer com mu nist bloc coun -
tries (Lat via, Lith u a nia, Ro ma nia in par tic u lar) have also had to com ply with the
harsh fi nan cial mea sures de creed by the EU in agree ment with the In ter na tional
Mon e tary Fund and the World Bank, but ac tu ally de vised and de manded by tra -
di tional core na tions such as Ger many, France, the Neth er lands and the United
King dom. The case of Greece is only a glar ing ex am ple of the cen tre’s he ge monic
pol icy that has been brought to bear on all the con ti nent’s pe riph er ies. East ern
Eu ro pean coun tries (all of them af fected to some ex tent by these mea sures) have
swal lowed the bit ter pill with lit tle ado and few spo radic ob jec tions, prob a bly
still mind ful of their So viet-era les sons.
In stead of dwell ing on rev o lu tion, tran si tion, trans for ma tion and post-so -
cial ism, one might rightly won der whether talk ing about he ge mony and sub or di -
na tion is still to the point. There fore, we could le git i mately con sider whether spe -
cific el e ments de rived from postcolonial stud ies may prove more use ful to ana lyse
the sit u a tion in East ern Eu rope’s post-so cial ist coun tries.
In fact, a crit i cal ap proach which un der lies postcolonial stud ies high lights
that the col lapse of the So viet Un ion marked the end of Mus co vite dom i na tion
whose dis tinc tive trait was an ac cu mu la tion by dis pos ses sion that ex pro pri ated
the own ers of the means of pro duc tion to the ad van tage of the com mu nist party
[Harvey, 2003: pp. 158–162; Chari, Verdery, 2009: p. 16]. Yet, this ap proach also
emphasises that the sub or di na tion of the for mer So viet Un ion’s sat el lite states
per sists (and not only in terms of econ omy) in Eu rope’s new post-so cial ist or der.
Af ter the fall of the Berlin Wall, rid ing on the wave of a hardly re al is tic Oc ci -
den tal uni ver sal ism and thanks to ideo log i cally shaped con cepts such as mod -
erni sa tion and de moc ra ti sa tion, he ge monic po lit i cal and cul tural mod els were
im ported and pos si bly im posed — though softly, still not trou ble-free. The fact
that im port ing these mod els has not suc ceeded so far is un ques tioned. The mod -
erni sa tion (as it had been con ceived by Euro-Amer i can the o ries) was rather min -
i mal or did not take place at all. The de moc ra ti sa tion pro cess was like wise very
in com plete at best.
Yet, pre cisely be cause of this par tial fail ure of the mod erni sa tion pro jects and
de moc ra ti sa tion pol i cies, the po lit i cal and cul tural sub or di na tion of East ern Eu -
rope’s so ci et ies and states on the one hand and the he ge monic stance of West ern
Eu rope’s strong coun tries on the other have ul ti mately in ten si fied.
As a mat ter of fact, I have ob served that one of the key con cerns is linked pre -
cisely to the ques tion of a pur ported po lit i cal and cul tural back ward ness of
post-so cial ist coun tries and so ci et ies. This is clearly a so cial rep re sen ta tion built
by these coun tries, which, how ever, has been con sid er ably fu elled by the Orien -
talistic opin ions con structed in the core. Nev er the less, as stated above, this is an
184 Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1
Christian Giordano
imag ined form of back ward ness since all the Eu ro pean pe riph er ies in clud ing
south-east ern ones have un ques tion ably pro duced out stand ing cul tures.
So, the har row ing ques tion re gard ing East ern Eu rope’s sub al tern so ci et ies is
as fol lows: how come this Eu ro pean re gion in hab ited by the con ti nent’s most vir -
tu ous peo ple has been un able to be on a par with other na tions such as France,
Ger many, Great Brit ain and lastly, chro no log i cally speak ing, with the United
States? Es pe cially the prom i nent in tel lec tu als and the more cul ti vated pub lic of
South-East ern Eu rope’s sub al tern states will of ten com pare their so ci et ies to
those of the he ge monic states per ceived as more ad vanced ones. At the same time,
the core coun tries view their ex traor di nary achieve ments in re gard to prog ress,
civili sa tion, mo der nity, de moc racy, civil so ci ety, wel fare, se cu rity, etc. with con -
ceit or even ar ro gance by which they can avoid tak ing no tice of their so-called
part ners in the pe riph er ies. On the other hand, post-so cial ist coun tries ex pe ri -
ence a pat ent though highly am biv a lent fas ci na tion with the pur ported po lit i cal,
cul tural and so cio eco nomic ac com plish ments of the me trop o lises.
There fore, in line with an Amer i can so ci ol o gist Reinhard Bendix, the he ge -
monic na tions may aptly be de fined as ref er ence so ci et ies for the pe riph er ies,
mean ing that sub al tern so ci et ies re act to the val ues and in sti tu tions of an other
coun try with ideas and ac tion strat e gies per ti nent to their own coun try [Bendix,
1980: p. 292].
This ob ser va tion pin points the strik ing am biv a lence that char ac ter ises the
re la tion ship be tween the Eu ro pean pe riph eral so ci et ies and cen tres in North-
west ern Eu rope. Bendix thinks that this stance is grounded in both spe cific so cial
knowl edge and a cor re spond ing type of ar gu men ta tion. Ac cord ing to these col lec -
tive rep re sen ta tions and dis courses, the power of the he ge monic coun try is def i -
nitely im pres sive, yet its so ci ety is rife with false val ues, moral cor rup tion, moral
dec a dence, lack of both sin cer ity and spon ta ne ity. At the same time, the so cio eco -
nomic prob lems of one’s own sub al tern coun try are im mense, but the un dis puted
vir tues of its peo ple are the prized and ul ti mate mod els of think ing and ac tion. On
the one hand, there fore, due to their eco nomic and po lit i cal achieve ments the he -
ge monic ref er ence so ci et ies hold pow er ful at trac tion for oth ers and ought to be
im i tated or even ex celled. On the other hand, the ar ti fi ci al ity and de pra va tion of
those so ci et ies’ life-styles are ap pall ing; there is a dem on stra tion of a folklorised
back ward ness rep re sented as the vir tu ous au then tic ity of one’s own so ci ety and
one’s own na tion. Mi chael Herzfeld has rightly called this phe nom e non the
diglossia of guide lines, dis courses and con se quently of iden ti ties [Herzfeld, 1987:
pp. 112–115]. In my opin ion, this diglossia, typ i cal of all pe riph eral so ci et ies of
Eu rope, is what un der lies the above-men tioned am biv a lence.
In this re gard, East ern Eu rope’s pe riph eral and sub al tern so ci et ies show an
urge to ac cel er ate the mod erni sa tion/Europeanisation. The lat ter im plies in tro -
duc ing West ern stan dards in the econ omy (e. g., in dus trial is ation), pol i tics (e. g.,
im port ing a par lia men tary de moc racy) and cul ture (adopt ing mod els and trends
from West ern Eu ro pean me trop o lises like Paris, Vi enna, Berlin, Lon don, etc.).
Al ex an der Kiossev has jus ti fi ably called this im i ta tive be hav iour a sort of self-
colo nis ation [Kiossev, 1995: pp. 73–75].
Along with these Europeanisation and mod erni sa tion ef forts, how ever, we
can ob serve a mas sive re course to nativistic rep re sen ta tions, stances and ac tion
strat e gies aimed at stag ing the su perb qual i ties of one’s own peo ple and na tion.
Со ци о ло гия: те о рия, ме то ды, мар ке тинг, 2017, 1 185
Europe: core, peripheries and postcolonial relations
This form of na tiv ism, bril liantly ana lysed by Wil helm Emil Mühlmann in sub al -
tern coun tries, may be de fined as the as pi ra tion and de ter mi na tion of Eu rope’s
pe riph er ies as his tor i cally mar gin al ised so ci et ies to break away from the ex ces -
sive eco nomic, po lit i cal and cul tural power of the ref er ence so ci et ies (i. e. the core
ones) and pub licly dem on strate the feel ing that we are no ta ble too [Mühlmann,
1961: p. 12].
In fact, this is the clear ex pres sion of the gen u ine con tri bu tion to the ma te rial
and spir i tual cul ture by one’s own group, eth nic ity, na tion and so ci ety. Na tiv ism
al ways im plies a more or less folklorised re pro cess ing of tra di tions, thus an in ven -
tion, or better say, a so cial pro duc tion of au then tic ity.
Con clu sion: the de mise of a myth i cal con struc tion
Eu rope’s cur rent prob lems, there fore, can not be as cribed to a short-term
con junc ture of tem po rary phe nom ena caused by a bun gled po lit i cal ori en ta tion
or mo men tary ad min is tra tive short falls, but rather, cit ing Fernand Braudel once
again, to très longue durée pro cesses, thus of a struc tural na ture, due to the
socio-eco nomic, po lit i cal and con se quently cul tural asym me try be tween the Old
Con ti nent’s var i ous re gions. Hence, it should not be sur pris ing that the pro ject of
a United Eu rope, laud able in the ab stract, is prov ing to be not only in fea si ble, but
in deed cat a strophic. And the cur rent populisms are not its cause, but its ef fect.
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