The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background
В статті розглядаються ситуації, які спонукали уповноважених з прав людини при Угорському парламенті створити групу, метою якої є популяризація і розвиток культури прав особистості. Визначаються правові норми професійної діяльності омбудсмена, а також інституту з захисту конституції і прав людини в...
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Інститут держави і права ім. В.М. Корецького НАН України
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irk-123456789-233142011-07-04T12:09:15Z The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background Gilanyi, Eszter Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство В статті розглядаються ситуації, які спонукали уповноважених з прав людини при Угорському парламенті створити групу, метою якої є популяризація і розвиток культури прав особистості. Визначаються правові норми професійної діяльності омбудсмена, а також інституту з захисту конституції і прав людини в цілому. Більш детально розглядається результат роботи даної структури, її роль, функції, необхідність захисту культури конституційних прав і їхнього розвитку. Ключові слова: Угорщина, Омбудсменський інститут, культура прав особистості, політичне право, реактивна роль, активна роль, неслухняність громадян, конституційно - правова шкода, легітимність. В статье рассмотрены ситуации, которые побудили уполномоченных в вопросах личных прав человека при Венгерском парламенте, создать группу, цель которой, содействие и развитие культуры прав личности. Здесь вы увидите определения правовых стандартов профессиональной деятельности омбудсмена и института по защите Конституции и прав человека в целом. Более детально рассматриваются вопросы касательно результатов работы данной структуры, ее роли в государстве, функций, потребностей в защите культуры конституционных прав и их развития. Ключевые слова: Венгрия, Омбудсменский институт, культура прав личности, политическое право, реактивная роль, активная роль, непослушность граждан, конституционно-правовой вред, легитимность. In the article reviewed situation, that are prompted the commissioners of personal rights in the Hungarian parliament to create a group for promote and develop the culture of personal rights. Here you see a define of the legal standards of professional activities of the Ombudsman, of the Institute for the Protection of the Constitution and human rights. The more attention paid in questions of the results of this structure, role in the State, functions, needs in the protect the culture of constitutional rights and their development. Key words: Hungary, Ombudsman’s Institution, culture of personal rights, political law, reactive role, proactive role, disobedience of citizens, the constitutional legal injury, and legitimacy. 2010 Article The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background / Eszter Gilanyi // Часопис Київського університету права. — 2010. — № 1. — С. 327-332. — Бібліогр.: 11 назв. — англ. XXXX-0074 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/23314 en Часопис Київського університету права Інститут держави і права ім. В.М. Корецького НАН України |
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Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство |
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Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство Gilanyi, Eszter The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background Часопис Київського університету права |
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В статті розглядаються ситуації, які спонукали уповноважених з прав людини при Угорському парламенті створити групу, метою якої є популяризація і розвиток культури прав особистості. Визначаються правові норми професійної діяльності омбудсмена, а також інституту з захисту конституції і прав людини в цілому. Більш детально розглядається результат роботи даної структури, її роль, функції, необхідність захисту культури конституційних прав і їхнього розвитку. Ключові слова: Угорщина, Омбудсменський інститут, культура прав особистості, політичне право, реактивна роль, активна роль, неслухняність громадян, конституційно - правова шкода, легітимність. |
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Gilanyi, Eszter |
| author_facet |
Gilanyi, Eszter |
| author_sort |
Gilanyi, Eszter |
| title |
The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background |
| title_short |
The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background |
| title_full |
The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background |
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The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background |
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The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background |
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hungarian legislation concerning infanticide a historical overview and criminological background |
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Інститут держави і права ім. В.М. Корецького НАН України |
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2010 |
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Правова система України й міжнародне право, порівняльне правознавство |
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| citation_txt |
The Hungarian Legislation Concerning Infanticide A Historical Overview and Criminological Background / Eszter Gilanyi // Часопис Київського університету права. — 2010. — № 1. — С. 327-332. — Бібліогр.: 11 назв. — англ. |
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Часопис Київського університету права |
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2025-07-03T02:47:58Z |
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E. GILANYI
Eszter Gilányi, University Assistant, Univer-sity of Miskolc, Faculty of Law, Department ofCriminal Law and CriminologyTHE HUNGARIAN LEGISLATION CONCERNING INFANTICIDE A Historical Overview and the Criminological Background*
Those who read newspapers or watch television, almost every week can hear about chil-dren found dead in a trash can or in the forest, abandoned or killed by their mother. The pub-lic opinion consider these women to be either incredibly evil or mad. This stereotype seems tobe existing also in the field of jurisdiction. The infanticide � when a mother kills her child dur-ing or right after the birth � existed through all ages. Sometimes it was tolerated, but usuallyseverely punished. In the followings, I would like to offer a brief overview of the history of the criminaliza-tion of this act, then shortly introduce the main results of some researches concerning the topic.1. Approaches to the Problem from the Middle Ages till the First Hungarian Criminal CodeIn Europe, after the spread of the Christianity, according to the canon law, the infanticidewas regarded as a �murder of a relative�, which was punished by serious, often cruel sanctions.This approach also characterized the Hungarian legislation. The Tripartitum � a code of customary law, collected by István Werbõczy, a Hungarianjurist and statesman in the 16th century, whose certain provisions were applied up to the 19thcentury � classified the infanticide as infamy, and according to it the perpetrator must havebeen sentenced to capital punishment .The law made by our kings during the Middle Ages insisted the application of death penal-ty. The extant documents of the manor court jurisdiction show that the offenders usually con-demned to be beheaded or to be tortured, but sometimes to be buried alive. In the 18th century contrary to the prior approach a different opinion came to the front: themarried and the unmarried mother can not be judged with the same rigorousness. The cause ofits spread was the consideration of the incomparably disadvantageous social and financial sit-uation of the latter1. This approach appeared in the Hungarian criminal code proposal of 1792. The killing of anewborn child was defined as infanticidium, an act committed right after the birth, whicheffected the death of the infant, and its regulation was different from the homicide against achild. The proposal with the intent on prevention stated that the punishment or the humiliationof the unmarried mother is illicit during and after the pregnancy, and the community have topromote a compensation from the father. The act should have been punished with regard to thenorms concerning the homicide, with the consideration of the circumstances2.The proposal of 1843 contained provisions relevant to the mother who killed her illegiti-mate infant during the birth or within three days after the birth. If she planned the act beforethe birth, she should have been punished by imprisonment of up to 10 years, if not, of up to 5
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© E. Gilanyi, 2010
* Based on the paper: Gilányi, E.: Something about the Criminal and Criminological Aspects ofInfanticide. In: Miskolci Egyetem Doktoranduszok Fóruma, Miskolc, 2006. november 9., az Állam- ésJogtudományi Kar szekciókiadványa; [PhD Student�s Forum, University of Miskolc, 9 november 2006,Publications of the Section of Faculty of Law] Miskolci Egyetem Innovációs és Technológia TranszferCentruma, 2007. 67-71.
years and if the child was a �monster�, of up to 1 year. If the child survived, the act was qual-ified as an attempt, and the half of the mentioned punishment was applicable.If the child was not illegitimate or the act was committed more than three days after thebirth, the woman was accountable on the grounds of the provisions related to intentional homi-cide or murder.The proposal also intended to penalize the woman who intentionally created such condi-tions that prevented her from getting help during the birth.The punishment was differentiated by the result of the act or the origin of the child3.None of these above-mentioned proposals came into force, although the proposal of 1843had considerable effect on judicial practice.2. Regulations of the �Code Csemegi� and the �Socialist Criminal Code�The first Hungarian Criminal Code, the �Code Csemegi�, the Act V of 1878 regulated theinfanticide in the Chapter 18: �Felonies and Misdemeanours Against the Life of a Person�. Section 284: �The mother who intentionally kills her child who born out of wedlock dur-ing birth or directly after birth: is punishable with imprisonment of up to five years.�The act was qualified as a privileged form of homicide. The reason of such a legislationwas the particular mental state of the unmarried mother derived from shame and fear, whichstarted before the birth and standed during its time, besides this the special physical conditionscaused by the birth.In accordance with the decision of the Curia � the Hungarian Supreme Court of the era �the phrase �out of wedlock� must have been used in its specific meaning: if the woman wasmarried, it was irrelevant if the husband has been the father or not. The law required the live birth, but not the viability.The Code Csemegi did not exactly determine the applicability of this paragraph. The per-petration �directly after birth� could be assessed if the above-mentioned particular mental stateand physical conditions of the woman existed4.The Special Division of this act was in force until the adoption of the Act V of 1961, the�Socialist Criminal Code�. This act did not contain specific provisions concerning the infanti-cide. By the Commentary of the act the �development of the socialist social structure�, the par-ticipation of women in the productive labour, social and political life and the permission ofabortion, in addition to the changing of the legal status of the illegitimate child eliminated thereasons for the killing of a child.Therefore the infanticide must have been judged by the rules of the intentional homicide,and the diminished mental capacity of the woman accompanying the birth was judged by theprovisions of the General Division of the Criminal Code concerning the lunacy, imbecility andcognitive disorder 5. 3. The Act IV of 1978 and its AmendmentsThe Act IV of 1978, the Criminal Code which is in force up to now, in its original formfollowed the approach of the �Socialist Criminal Code�, therefore did not contain propositionsconcerning the infanticide. These acts should have been punished according to the provisionsof homicide.In 1999 two important amendments changed this situation. On the one hand, a new aggra-vating circumstance was integrated: the commission of the crime against a person under theage of fourteen (Section 166 (2)), which is punishable by an imprisonment from ten to fifteenyears, or life imprisonment, and on the other hand, a new individual legal fact as a privilegedform of homicide, called �Culpable Murder of a Newborn Infant� (Section 166/a):�A woman who kills her newborn child during birth or directly after birth commits afelony offense and shall be punishable by imprisonment between two and eight years.�The reason of the integration of this new aggravating circumstance was the obligation forthe increased criminal protection for minors, which was insisted by the Convention on the
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Ïðàâîâà ñèñòåìà Óêðà¿íè é ì³æíàðîäíå ïðàâî, ïîð³âíÿëüíå ïðàâîçíàâñòâî
Right of the Child. But at the same time the legislator � in consideration of the physical andmental status of the parturient woman and the existing judicial practice � deemed reasonablethe creation of the privileged legal fact. Some jurists criticized this provision because the pre-sumption of existence of the extraordinary physical and mental status also protected thosewomen who actually did not get into that state, and besides that, the lack of the aggravatingcircumstances6.In 2003 a hardly satisfactory amendement came into existence. Though the original pro-posal contained the repealing of both sections, finally only the �Murder of a Newborn Infant�was abrogated.This solution eventuated that an act which was formerly classified as a privileged fact pun-ishable by an imprisonment of two to eight years from that time onward became an aggravat-ed case, with a sanction of imprisonment of ten to fifteen years or life imprisonment.In the light of this situation, is appropriate to examine the criminological backgroud of thiscrime.
4. The Criminological BackgroundThe aim of this part of the paper is briefly summarizing the results of some recentresearches concerning infanticide. As Mária Herczog, the sociologist wrote, the level of the knowledge related to the cultureof relationships, communication, self-understanding and body awareness is very low inHungarian society, as well as its application. It is demonstrated by inter alia the permanentlylow birth rate and the high rate of abortion. Less than fifty percent of the women in child bear-ing age use contraceptives, and more than half of the children is born from unplanned preg-nancy7.This may induce the higher rate of the commission of infanticide in Hungary comparingwith the Western European countries. Different resources mention 20-25 cases a year, whichamounts to almost 10 percent of all perpetrated homicides.4.1. The Results of Judit CseresThe most extensive research of the topic was conducted by psychologist Judit Cseres, whoanalysed 286 cases occuring between 1982 and 1999, which terminated with final judgement8. Some of her important results:The crime is generally committed by women who had been raised by their own family, notby an institution or adoptive parents.88% of the perpetrators passed the elementary shool, none of them finished her highereducation.The perpetrators either had an average standard of living or they were indigent (Eitherwomen at average standard of living or indigent ones became perpetrators); the accomodationwas generally arranged (only 2 homeless perpetrators of the 286)She defined three groups of perpetrators:Maiden: unmarried women under the age of 26; generally live with the family; the fatherof the child is the boyfriend, the parents do not know about him, or forbid the relationship.Married: marriage, stable cohabitation; the father of the child is usually the husband whoexpresses his unwillingness about having more children but continues the love-life with thewoman, and deems the contraception the responsibility of the womanDisarranged family status: widow, divorced or single woman who establishes occasionalor expectedly persistent sexual relationships; the father is the partner who takes no responsi-bility in the relationshipThe perpetrators of all the three groups grown up in a family dominated by the traditionalconception of gender roles. 60 % of the perpetrators know about the pregnancy from the first month; about 25 % onlyfrom the quickening of the embryo.
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During the child-bearing they conceal their condition. They usually cover the changing oftheir figure with clothing, and explain it with some illness or unsuccessful slimming diet. Themembers of the family usually � at least by their own admission � do not know about the preg-nancy; the neighbours and colleagues suspects or know about it, but they think �it�s none oftheir business�They go to see a doctor at most once, far from their residence, to make sure their condi-tion. The birth takes place without any help, in a non-residential area, in the yard, in the latrine,or in the bathroom (there were more perpetrators who gave birth to their child at home whenthe rest of the family watched the TV in the next room).Since they conceal the pregnancy and the birth starts abruptly, they do not have instru-ments neighter for the birth, nor the murder. The cause of death was the passive behaviour of the mother in 42% of the cases: lack ofcare: 25 % (getting cold or bleeding to death through the umbilical cord). In 10 percent of thecases the location of the birth and of the hiding was the latrine. In 28 % of the cases the cause of death was choking25 % of the mothers put an end tho the child�s life with active behaviour: strangling withthe hand (18 %) or with the umbilical cord (6 %), or throwing the baby to the floor or to somehard object (1 %).The report of the case may come from a doctor, who treats the complications of an unaid-ed birth (53 %), from a relative (12 %), or from a stranger (32 %) (a �trash-picker� who findsthe body, or neighbours, colleagues etc.)
4.2. The Results of the Research of the National Institute of CriminologyIn 2004 in the National Institute of Criminology (OKRI) a research took place that exam-ined the victims of murder in Hungary in the decade between 1990 and 1998. Mariann Kránitzwrote an article about a specific part of the research, the female offenders.9 She devoted a sub-section to the perpetrators of infanticide. She divided them into two groups.The first was the group of the young, generally teenager girls who lived relatively sepa-rated, (e. g. in a farm), or in a city, but without close friends, and their relationship with theparents was characterized by estrangement and inadequate communication. The act of thesegirls was usually accompanied by impaired consciousness. The cause of the death was gener-ally the lack of care.The other was the group of mothers with a large family. These women usually refer to suchunnatural facts during the proceedings as they did not recognize their pregnancy, did not feelthe birth-pangs and did not remember the birth itself, but the manner of the perpetrationseemed to falsify them. They usually prepare for the act with some instruments and sometimescommit it with explicit cruelty.It is worthy to recognize the differences between the results of these researches concern-ing almost the same datas. Cseres did not observe such distinctions between the motivationsand the manner of perpetration between the different groups of perpetrators.4.3. About the Judicial PracticeBy the results of the researches, the judges take account of the impaired consciousnessresulting from the birth, but also the premeditated character of the crime or the special cruel-ty of perpetration. Thus the imposed sanction was usually a suspended or a short term impris-onment (from 3 to 5 years).Accordingly the above-mentioned propositions in force, the lowest measure of the pun-ishment may be at least 10 years of imprisonment, and only in exceptional cases shall beimposed less.If the limited mental incapacity of the woman during the perpetration can be established,the punishment may be mitigated without limitation, which means that the smallest measureof any type of punishment may be inflicted.330
Ïðàâîâà ñèñòåìà Óêðà¿íè é ì³æíàðîäíå ïðàâî, ïîð³âíÿëüíå ïðàâîçíàâñòâî
In absence of this, the judge also has a possibility to mitigate the punishment, if at his dis-cretion the lowest measure of it is too rigourous with respect to the objective of the punish-ment, the danger to society represented by the nature of the criminal act and by the perpetra-tor, the degree of culpability, and other aggravating and mitigating circumstances10. But inthis case he shall inflict an imprisonment of at least five years.However it is questionable that in case of the perpetrators of this crime does it make senseto impose an executable imprisonment. The effectiveness of this type of punishment is ordi-narily doubtful, but in these cases the perpetrators generally never commit other crimes, sothey do not mean grave danger to society. On the other hand they need thoughtful psycholog-ical help, which they probably won�t get in a penal institution.5. ConsequenciesAs we can see, the legislator took measures to prevent and recompense this behaviourthrough all ages. Although the state of the unmarried mother and the illegitimate child radi-cally changed, this crime still exists. We have to mention again the point of view of MáriaHerczog, who originates the problem from the low level of the knowledge related to the cul-ture of relationships, communication, self-understanding and body awareness. Besides this, Judit Cseres urges the force of the secret. The surrounders of these womentake the pregnancy undiserable, so she can not talk about her condition with anyone. The onlychance for these women is the breach of secrecy to be able to get help11.In Hungary, there are a few NGOs dealing with this question (e.g. the Cardle Foundationor the Alpha Association), mainly by the adoption of the child, and there are some hospitals,where mothers can leave their unwanted children in an incubator placed in front of the build-ing. But these measures are not accessible to everyone, and may not consider the best solution. The aim has to be the avoidance of the unwanted pregnancy, therefore the most importanttask is informing and training people from early childhood.
1 Raskó, G.: A nõi bûnözés [Female Delinquency], Közgazdasági és Jogi Könyvkiadó, Bp., 1978. 95-101. pp.2 Cited by Kovács, Gy: Az anyák által az újszülöttek sérelmére elkövetett ölési cselekmények bün-tetõjogi szabályozása; [Criminal Legislation Concerning Killing a Newborn Child by Mother] http://web.bm.hu/rendor/bun_meg.nsf/4e49b6e651be2d67c1256bdf003562eb/a874a03e13f802f4c1256ba3003dfbea?OpenDocument (05.08. 2006.)3 Fayer, L.: Az 1843-iki büntetõjogi javaslatok anyaggyüjteménye, [Collection of the Criminal CodeProposals of 1843] Tom. I. Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, Bp. 1896. Part II. 39-40. pp.4 Angyal, P.: Az emberi élet elleni bûncselekmények és a párviadal. A magyar büntetõjog kézikönyve2. [Crimes Against Human Life and the Fray. Handbook of Hungarian Criminal Law Part 2.] Athaeneum,Budapest 1928. 52-53. pp.5 A büntetõ törvénykönyv kommentárja, Közgazdasági és Jogi Könyvkiadó, [Commentary onCriminal Code] Bp., 1968. 1187-1188. pp6 Pócza, R.: Az újszülött megölése: alap-, minõsített vagy privilegizált eset? [Infanticide: basic, priv-iliged or aggravated fact?] In: Magyar Jog, 2005/3. 157. p.7 Herczog, M.: Csecsemõgyilkosságok megelõzésének és kezelésének lehetõségei [Prevention andDealing with Infanticide] in: Kriminológiai és kriminalisztikai tanulmányok XXXVI, OKRI, Bp. 1999. 104-106. pp. 8 Cseres, J.: Eltékozolt újszülöttek � Az újszülöttölést elkövetõ nõk helyzetének kriminológiaielemzése [Squandered Newborns � Criminological Analysis of the State of Women Committing Infanticide]BM Kiadó, Bp. 2000.9 109 cases of infanticide were examined Kránitz Mariann: Az emberölést elkövetõ nõk tipológiája[Typology of Women Committing Homicide], ügyészek Lapja 2005/2. 15-21. pp.10 Sections 83 and 87 of the Criminal Code 11 Cseres, J.: A titok. Adalékok az újszülöttgyilkosságok elõzményeihez. [The secret. Data for theantecedents of infanticide] Társadalmi szemle 1996/6. 48-60. pp.
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331×àñîïèñ Êè¿âñüêîãî óí³âåðñèòåòó ïðàâà � 2010/1
Ðåçþìå
 ñòàòò³ ðîçãëÿäàþòüñÿ ñèòóàö³¿, ÿê³ ñïîíóêàëè óïîâíîâàæåíèõ ç ïðàâ ëþäèíè ïðè Óãîðñüêîìó ïàð-ëàìåíò³ ñòâîðèòè ãðóïó, ìåòîþ ÿêî¿ º ïîïóëÿðèçàö³ÿ ³ ðîçâèòîê êóëüòóðè ïðàâ îñîáèñòîñò³. Âèçíà÷àþòü-ñÿ ïðàâîâ³ íîðìè ïðîôåñ³éíî¿ ä³ÿëüíîñò³ îìáóäñìåíà, à òàêîæ ³íñòèòóòó ç çàõèñòó êîíñòèòóö³¿ ³ ïðàâëþäèíè â ö³ëîìó. Á³ëüø äåòàëüíî ðîçãëÿäàºòüñÿ ðåçóëüòàò ðîáîòè äàíî¿ ñòðóêòóðè, ¿¿ ðîëü, ôóíêö³¿, íå-îáõ³äí³ñòü çàõèñòó êóëüòóðè êîíñòèòóö³éíèõ ïðàâ ³ ¿õíüîãî ðîçâèòêó. Êëþ÷îâ³ ñëîâà: Óãîðùèíà, Îìáóäñìåíñüêèé ³íñòèòóò, êóëüòóðà ïðàâ îñîáèñòîñò³, ïîë³òè÷íå ïðà-âî, ðåàêòèâíà ðîëü, àêòèâíà ðîëü, íåñëóõíÿí³ñòü ãðîìàäÿí, êîíñòèòóö³éíî - ïðàâîâà øêîäà,ëåã³òèìí³ñòü
Ðåçþìå
 ñòàòüå ðàññìîòðåíû ñèòóàöèè, êîòîðûå ïîáóäèëè óïîëíîìî÷åííûõ â âîïðîñàõ ëè÷íûõ ïðàâ ÷å-ëîâåêà ïðè Âåíãåðñêîì ïàðëàìåíòå, ñîçäàòü ãðóïïó, öåëü êîòîðîé, ñîäåéñòâèå è ðàçâèòèå êóëüòóðû ïðàâëè÷íîñòè. Çäåñü âû óâèäèòå îïðåäåëåíèÿ ïðàâîâûõ ñòàíäàðòîâ ïðîôåññèîíàëüíîé äåÿòåëüíîñòè îì-áóäñìåíà è èíñòèòóòà ïî çàùèòå Êîíñòèòóöèè è ïðàâ ÷åëîâåêà â öåëîì. Áîëåå äåòàëüíî ðàññìàòðèâà-þòñÿ âîïðîñû êàñàòåëüíî ðåçóëüòàòîâ ðàáîòû äàííîé ñòðóêòóðû, åå ðîëè â ãîñóäàðñòâå, ôóíêöèé, ïî-òðåáíîñòåé â çàùèòå êóëüòóðû êîíñòèòóöèîííûõ ïðàâ è èõ ðàçâèòèÿ.Êëþ÷åâûå ñëîâà: Âåíãðèÿ, Îìáóäñìåíñêèé èíñòèòóò, êóëüòóðà ïðàâ ëè÷íîñòè, ïîëûòè÷ñåêîåïðàâî, ðåàêòèâíàÿ ðîëü, àêòèâíàÿ ðîëü, íåïîñëóøíîñòü ãðàæäàí, êîíñòèòóöèîííî-ïðàâîâîé âðåä, ëåãè-òèìíîñòü.
Summary
In the article reviewed situation, that are prompted the commissioners of personal rights in the Hungarianparliament to create a group for promote and develop the culture of personal rights. Here you see a define ofthe legal standards of professional activities of the Ombudsman, of the Institute for the Protection of theConstitution and human rights. The more attention paid in questions of the results of this structure, role in theState, functions, needs in the protect the culture of constitutional rights and their development.Key words: Hungary, Ombudsman�s Institution, culture of personal rights, political law, reactive role,proactive role, disobedience of citizens, the constitutional legal injury, legitimacy. Îòðèìàíî 1.03.2010
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Ïðàâîâà ñèñòåìà Óêðà¿íè é ì³æíàðîäíå ïðàâî, ïîð³âíÿëüíå ïðàâîçíàâñòâî
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