United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution
The objective of this article is to examine Cyprus dispute and assess contributions of the UN and the process of integration into the EU to its solution. This article provides brief historical overview of the dispute and highlights key political obstacles towards reaching an agreement. Parti...
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Інститут світової економіки і міжнародних відносин НАН України
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irk-123456789-591932014-04-08T03:01:37Z United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution Makoveyenko, V.P. Сучасні міжнародні відносини The objective of this article is to examine Cyprus dispute and assess contributions of the UN and the process of integration into the EU to its solution. This article provides brief historical overview of the dispute and highlights key political obstacles towards reaching an agreement. Particular attention is paid to the impact of European integration on the the settlement processes as well as Annan initiative. The author finds that there wouldn’t be a sustainable solution for Cyprus without support to the proposals from its Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot communities. Мета статті полягає у дослідженні Кіпрського конфлікту та визначення внеску ООН та процесу євроінтеграції у його вирішення. У статті вивчаються головні історичні події конфлікту які зумовлюють політичні перепони його вирішення на сучасному етапі. Особливу увагу приділено впливу Європейської інтеграції на процес врегулювання конфлікту, а також ініціативи Плану Аннана. Автор доходить висновку, що без підтримки з боку турецько-кіпріотської та греко- кіпріотської громад неможливо досягти надійного вирішення Кіпрського конфлікту. Целью статьи является исследование Кипрского конфликта и оценки усилий ООН и ЕС, направленных на его решение. В статье определяются главные исторические события конфликта, которые препятствуют его решению. Особое внимание уделено влиянию процесса Европейской интеграции Кипра на решение конфликта, а также инициатива плана Аннана. Автор приходит к выводу, что невозможно достичь надежного решения конфликта без поддержки такого решения со стороны греко-киприотской и турко-киприотской общин. 2012 Article United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution / V.P. Makoveyenko // Проблеми міжнародних відносин: Зб. наук. пр. — К.: КиМУ, 2012. — Вип. 4. — С. 100-111. — Бібліогр.: 16 назв. — англ. 2221-5719 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/59193 327(73) en Проблеми міжнародних відносин Інститут світової економіки і міжнародних відносин НАН України |
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Сучасні міжнародні відносини Сучасні міжнародні відносини |
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Сучасні міжнародні відносини Сучасні міжнародні відносини Makoveyenko, V.P. United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution Проблеми міжнародних відносин |
| description |
The objective of this article is to examine Cyprus dispute and
assess contributions of the UN and the process of integration into the
EU to its solution. This article provides brief historical overview of
the dispute and highlights key political obstacles towards reaching
an agreement. Particular attention is paid to the impact of European
integration on the the settlement processes as well as Annan
initiative. The author finds that there wouldn’t be a sustainable
solution for Cyprus without support to the proposals from its
Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot communities. |
| format |
Article |
| author |
Makoveyenko, V.P. |
| author_facet |
Makoveyenko, V.P. |
| author_sort |
Makoveyenko, V.P. |
| title |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution |
| title_short |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution |
| title_full |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution |
| title_fullStr |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution |
| title_full_unstemmed |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution |
| title_sort |
united nations and european union in quest of cyprus dispute solution |
| publisher |
Інститут світової економіки і міжнародних відносин НАН України |
| publishDate |
2012 |
| topic_facet |
Сучасні міжнародні відносини |
| url |
http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/59193 |
| citation_txt |
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution / V.P. Makoveyenko // Проблеми міжнародних відносин: Зб. наук. пр. — К.: КиМУ, 2012. — Вип. 4. — С. 100-111. — Бібліогр.: 16 назв. — англ. |
| series |
Проблеми міжнародних відносин |
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AT makoveyenkovp unitednationsandeuropeanunioninquestofcyprusdisputesolution |
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2025-07-05T10:22:24Z |
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2025-07-05T10:22:24Z |
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1836802056076132352 |
| fulltext |
100
УДК 327(73)
V.P. Makoveyenko
Doctoral candidate of Institute of World Economy and International
Relations of National Academy of science of Ukraine
UNITED NATIONS AND EUROPEAN UNION IN QUEST OF
CYPRUS DISPUTE SOLUTION
The objective of this article is to examine Cyprus dispute and
assess contributions of the UN and the process of integration into the
EU to its solution. This article provides brief historical overview of
the dispute and highlights key political obstacles towards reaching
an agreement. Particular attention is paid to the impact of European
integration on the the settlement processes as well as Annan
initiative. The author finds that there wouldn’t be a sustainable
solution for Cyprus without support to the proposals from its
Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot communities.
Key words: conflict, settlement, UN, EU, Cyprus, Turkey,
Greece, integration.
Cyprus dispute has absorbed significant amount of time and
reputation of the best diplomats and experts; however it remains
unresolved and undermines European stability. This issue has grown
in importance in light of the fact that Cyprus became EU member
state, while it has a significant part of its territory occupied by
another candidate state. The topicality of this research article is
stipulated by the fact that unresolved Cyprus dispute undermines
regional stability in region of the eastern Mediterranean and bares
potential of the conflict between two NATO member countries.
Frictions were experienced in the framework of NATO as well as in
European integration of Turkey. The UN within its mandate
undertook variety of efforts to negotiate solution and contributed
significant amount of efforts for reconciliation of communities;
however, it is yet to be reached.
The research on the UN and the EU involvement in crafting
solution for Cyprus conflict to date has tended to focus on the
V.P. Makoveyenko
101
shortcomings of the conflict resolution efforts rather than on the inner
substance of the dispute in present time. Substantial attention to the
problem was paid by Ukrainian and foreign researchers, particularly
by Bose S., Christou G., Cilsal O., Diez T., Dodd C., Michalis M.
and Yakinthou C. Specifically, Christou G. and Diez T. focused their
research on the processes of European integration of Cyprus with the
references to the dispute. However, due to the topicality of the issue
further researches on this theme are in demand because of the
necessity to provide timely updates with the latest developments as
well as indicate assessment of the success achieved and shortcomings
that need to be addressed.
The objectives of this research are to assess critically UN and
EU efforts in conflict resolution, examine their role in this process
and study the role of European integration in the settlement. In light
of the complexities of the issue it is assumed that UN and EU
extensively addressing Cyprus dispute and despite failure to achieve
reunification yet, they have made a significant constructive impact.
In order to establish validity of the thesis this paper is divided
into three main parts. First, it gives a brief overview of the main
historical events and causes that have led to the conflict and sustain it
nowadays. It will then go to the critical analysis of the UN activities
in conflict resolution, particularly analysis of Kofi Annan Plan.
Finally, it will address European integration of Cyprus and its impact
on the solution.
With the aim to achieve objective of this research the author
established the following tasks: to highlight main historical events
that caused the conflict and sustain it up to nowadays, critically
assess the role of the UN in conflict resolution, particularly Annan
initiative, to study the impact of European integration on the conflict
settlement and eventually explain the reasons that contributed to the
failure of resolving the dispute.
Over the history Cyprus attracted significant interests of the
regional and global powers due to its geopolitical location. Cyprus
became hostage of its neighbor interests, mainly Turkey and Greece,
as well as Great Britain. Geostrategic location of Cyprus attracted the
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution
102
interests of Great Britain, and by extension the USA as a strategic
military outpost [8, 43].
Antagonistic ethno-nationalistic sentiments of Cypriot
communities are at the heart of the difficulties that impede solution of
Cyprus dispute. The roots of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot
nationalism were embedded to the idea of the anti-colonialism and
the consequent unification with Turkey or Greece respectively.
Strategic importance of Cyprus for Great Britain soared in 1955 after
the Baghdad Pact, which was seen by British government as the
means of maintaining its power in the Middle East, forming anti-
Soviet alliance and securing its interests in access to Suez Canal.
Respectively, in 1955 Greek Cypriots developed guerrilla
organization EOKA that was driven by anti-colonialism aspirations
and the idea of unification with Greece (enosis). While British
Middle East headquarters were relocated to Cyprus along with
establishment of its military bases it faced anti-colonialism
movement and confrontation with EOKA [16, 46]. In response to
inter-communal violence and EOKAs insistence on the idea of
enosis, in 1956 there was established Turkish guerrilla group
‘Volkan’ with the aim to protect Turkish Cypriots. In 1957 it was
replaced by the organization TMT. Other parties in face of Turkey
and Greece were introduced to the conflict. Such development
marked new epoch of Cyprus modern history replete with strong
ethno-nationalistic sentiments, chauvinism and xenophobia
culminated in inimical separation of communities that lasts till
nowadays.
After 35 years of British Colony Rule, in 1960 Cyprus achieved
its independence as a result of violent uprising of Greek Cypriots
against Great Britain. Cyprus’ constitution envisaged proportional
principle of governance between two communities and allowed Great
Britain to remain its military bases. In addition, a Treaty of Guarantee
allowed Greece, Turkey or Great Britain to act jointly or individually
to fight any threat to the constitution [8, 43]. Political leaders in new
government were elected from the extremist separatists from EOKA
and TMT, and eventually acquired domestic and international
legitimacy. Consequently, in 1963 inter-communal tensions erupted
V.P. Makoveyenko
103
that further escalated into civil war that persisted until Cyprus’s de
facto partition in 1974 [16, 50]. UN responded to this threat with
Resolution 186 (1964) which mandated its peacekeeping troops
(UNFICYP) [12, 4].
Consequently, cope of July 1974 plotted by Greek military
junta took place with the objective to overthrow the president [5, 69].
Following these developments Turkey invoked the 1960 Treaty of
Guarantee and occupied approximately 40 percent of the islands
territory. Such actions resulted in approximately 160-200 thousand of
Greek Cypriots fleeing occupied by Turkey territory, and 60-65
thousand of Turkish Cypriots moving into newly occupied territory
[8, 43-44]. UN Security Council in its resolution 360 (1974) “records
its formal disapproval of the unilateral military actions undertaken
against the Republic of Cyprus” [13, 1]. However, Turkey refused to
withdraw its forces and in the following years facilitated move of
over 40 thousand settlers from Anatolian Peninsular [8, 44]. In 1975
independence of Turkish Federated State of Cyprus was proclaimed
(from 1983 Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC), which
enjoyed recognition solely by Turkey and faced international
isolation. In such a way was shaped ‘intractable conflict’ which
within itself presents a challenge to conflict resolution capacity of the
UN [5, 64].
Over the years inability to negotiate a solution created a
stalemate situation which required change in the dynamics of the
approach to the problem. In absence of internal impetus and elite’s
will to break the stalemate, an external stimulus was required.
Aspiration of Cyprus to join EU was that very external impetus that
was intended to be used in order to attempt brokering an agreement
between communities in new circumstances. Particularly, the UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan attached his name and prestige to the
initiative to negotiate solution for the dispute. Kofi Annan developed
five versions of unification proposal plan before submitting the final
for the referendum in 2004.
EU Luxembourg Summit of 1997 resulted in decision to open
accession negotiations with the Republic of Cyprus and the next year
the UN extensively renews its peacekeeping role. Greece threatened
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution
104
to use its veto right to halt the accession of all ten acceding countries
in case of Cyprus’ accession denial [16, 134]. European Council
summit in Helsinki in 1999 resulted in decision of allowing the
Republic of Cyprus to join in the EU regardless of the conflict’s
resolution [16, 98]. G8 Summit in 1999 provided diplomatic
momentum for Annan Initiative by “urgeing the UN Security-General
to invite the leaders of both parties to enter comprehensive
negotiations without pre-conditions” [4].
Final Annan Plan envisaged creation of a new federal state
called United Cyprus Republic. It also suggested that federal state
would comprise two equal constituent states Greek Cypriot
Constituent State and Turkish Cypriot Constituent State. The model
of UCR proposed by Plan followed consociational principles. Federal
government had specified powers outlined by constitution, while
constituent states had within themselves magnitude of powers
regulating ordinary matters of daily life. UN plan provided balanced
model establishing the principle of cooperation including
“companion concepts that no decision could be taken by persons
from one constituent state alone and that no single person could veto
decisions or block the running of the state run like a golden thread
throughout the plan” [11, 19]. However, the veto was embedded in
the plan and “institutionalised in the senate level, and a series of
complex deadlock-breaking mechanisms means that the veto does not
reach the executive, therefore quelling Greek Cypriot fear that
minority veto will again cause the paralysis of the state” [16, 79].
Executive branch would consist of Presidential council, Federal
Administration and Federal Police. Presidential Council was
supposed to adopt decisions by consensus or by simple majority
(depending on the issue) and should consist of 9 members elected by
senators with a clear majority. President of the Council is to be both
head of the state and head of the government. President and vice-
president of the Council would rotate on a 20-month basis from
Greek Cypriot to Turkish Cypriot [15, 32]. Rotation of the
presidential and vice-presidents positions between representatives of
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot community along with consensus
V.P. Makoveyenko
105
based decisions were designed with the thought in mind to “underline
political equality and prevent any domination” [14, 18].
Federal Parliament would consist of Senate and Chamber of
Deputies. Senate would consist of 24 members filled by equal
number of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Each Chamber of
deputies would consist of 48 representative composed in proportion
to persons holding internal constituent state citizenship. Minimum of
25 percent of deputies were to hold Turkish Cypriot citizenship and
maximum of 75 percent of deputies to hold Greek Cypriot State
citizenship. Federal legislature would enjoy the powers of approval of
international treaties for ratification, elect and oversee the functioning
of the Presidential Council, adoption of federal budget and referral of
serious crimes by members of the presidential council to the Supreme
Court [14, 30]. There was to be no hierarchy between federal and
constituent state laws. Independent institutions were to be Central
Bank, Office of the Attorney General and Office of the Auditor
General.
Constituent states would have their executive and legislative
branches. Turkish Cypriot Constituent State executive branch would
consist of popularly elected president (head of the state), prime-
minister and council of Ministers. Legislative branch would be
represented by Assembly of the Turkish Cypriot State comprised of
50 popularly elected deputies. Greek Cypriot Constituent State
executive branch would be represented by popularly elected president
(head of government) and council of Ministers. Legislative branch
would be represented by House of Representatives comprised of 60
members.
According to Annan Plan Federal state would include
executive, legislature, judiciary and independent institutions. External
relations, relations with EU, federal finances, operation of Central
Bank, natural resources, aviation, navigation, communication,
territorial waters of UCR, combating terrorism and organized crime,
amnesties and pardons, intellectual property, Cypriot citizenship and
antiquities would be within competencies and functions of federal
state [14, 23-24].
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution
106
Constitutional engineers developed detailed blueprint for
mutually suspicious communities. For decade these communities
lived in mutually hostile attitudes towards each other and refused to
recognize the other side as a political entity. Sound text of the
proposal, which prevents ambiguities in its interpretation, addressed
and removed significant causes of conflict between elites of 1960
state. Powers were distributed in such way that “federal government
was given a certain number of important functions, but none of which
were likely to cause inter-ethnic tension” [16, 93].
Nevertheless, elites in both communities have contributed much
towards antagonistic attitudes towards each-other. In elite-driven
society like Cypriot, fears along with ethnic prejudice were widely
exploited in populist politics’ campaigns over decades. Therefore,
elites were not willing to resort to power-sharing option. Negotiating
of Annans’ Plan was locked within zero-sum paradigm and exposed
substantial lack of trust. In this regard, even back in 1994 the UN
presented its initiative in a set of Confidence Building Measures,
which included proposals for co-operation in the fields of journalism,
commerce, education, sport, culture, environment, health and other
activities; however they were deadlocked at the discussion stage.
Opening of the checkpoints could have been used as a
confidence-building or reconciliation efforts; however, just like in
case of Astromeritis-Zodia in 2005 it was used by both leaders as an
opportunity to blame the other for lack of good will. The conflict
attitude between communities sustained with commemoration of
historical events that represent loss for one community and victory
for the other. Until recently the communities were taught to hate the
other side through suitable interpretation of history, and only in 2004
Turkish Cypriots revised their history books while Greek Cypriots
experienced two unsuccessful attempts [16, 110].
Despite adverse cultural premises for reconciliation developed
over decades, Annan Plan served as a catalyst for radical change in
the Turkish Cypriot leadership. In January 2003 a crowd estimated
between 50 and 70 thousand of people protested in the streets of
Nicosia with slogans stating: “[President] ‘Denktash, if you don’t
have a pen, we have one’ (referring to his refusal to sign-off on the
V.P. Makoveyenko
107
Annan Plan), and continued to demand his resignation” [7, 164].
Although the referendum became the apex for the Turkish Cypriot
“quiet” revolution, this was not the case for their compatriots in the
south. Greek Cypriot elites remained silent until a few weeks before
the referendum itself. Governing elite in Greek Cyprus labeled Annan
Plan as unbalanced and unjust, particularly “‘all gain’ for the Turkish
Cypriots, and ‘all loss’ for the Greek Cypriots” [16, 118].
Guarantee of the EU membership for Greek Cyprus eventually
contributed to defeat of the UN plan since Greek Cypriot gained
sufficient power in negotiation process which broke the balance
between communities that were treated as equal. Power sharing
option lost its value for the Greek Cypriots which represent majority
of 77 percent against Turkish minority of 18 percent of population
[9]. International recognition and advantages of EU membership
empowered Greek Cypriots to diverge from option based on equality.
EU accession treaty was signed by Republic of Cyprus on April, 16
2003 and “any leverage the EU had to ensure Greek Cypriot elites
continued to support the Annan Plan was removed” [16, 136]. The
incentive of EU accession was perceived as an impetus to overcome a
history of elite intransigence and lack of co-operation but “the
incentive was misapplied and caused further division” [16, 141].
In September 2008, new UN-backed talks began between
Presidents of North and South Cyprus. The UN Secretary General
Ban Ki-moon continues to facilitate solution and participated in
tripartite meetings. January 2012 summit between leaders of
Northern and Southern Cyprus held in New York ended up with
limited progress. The central issues discussed were the election of the
executive, the issue of property and citizenship. Parties agreed to
continue their efforts in mastering the solution, and the UN Secretary
General Ban Ki Moon, upon the success outlined in report of his
Special Adviser on Cyprus Alexander Downer, expressed an intend
to call a multilateral conference in late April or early May [10].
Cyprus’ EU presidency in the second half of 2012 could be another
impetus to master solution for the dispute. If this opportunity is going
to be used depends on political will of parties concerned.
United Nations and European Union in quest of Cyprus dispute solution
108
While conflict remains unresolved, it echoes in significant
economic loss of parties concerned. According to the research of
Cyprus Centre of the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) resolution
of Cyprus conflict would gain Turkey every year over EUR 17 billion
(3,5% of its GDP) and Greece EUR 3 billion [3, 37]. Northern part of
Cyprus would get chance to fight its economic stagnation and enjoy
access to the benefits of EU membership.
Having concluded this research and returning to the question
posed in the beginning of this study the author can confirm that the
UN undertook extensive action to find solution for Cyprus dispute.
The UN used the momentum to break the ice of frozen conflict and
used aspirations of Cypriot society to join EU as catalysis for
negotiating solution. Annan Plan achieved genuine public debate
regarding reconciliation between and within communities that have
strong ethno-nationalistic sentiments, chauvinism and xenophobia. It
also elaborated comprehensive solution plans that balanced interests
of the communities. However, unconditional accession of Cyprus to
EU did not contribute to the solution of the conflict.
Failure to reach an agreement and refusal of Kofi Annan
initiative on referendum reflected that Cypriot communities were not
quite ready for the reconciliation after decades of confrontation.
Unification of Cyprus in 2004 was more desired by external actors,
particularly, Greece, Turkey, US, UK, EU and UN than by its own
communities which remained almost completely isolated from each
other until only recently. Reconciliation handed from above by
anybody due to external interests could serve as a source of
instability in a view of the fact that such solution could lack
legitimacy within Cypriot society. Without strong support from both
communities the problem will persist and radical elites will attempt to
take advantage of it. Main success achieved by both UN and EU until
now constitute outbreak of genuine debates within and between
communities on reconciliation which are fundamental for reaching an
agreement acceptable by both communities.
V.P. Makoveyenko
109
Література
1. Bose S. Contested Lands: Israel–Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia,
Cyprus, and Sri Lanka / Bose Sumantra. – New York: Harvard
University Press. –2007. – C. 55-104.
2. Christou G. The European Union and Enlargement: The Case of
Cyprus / Christou George. – New York: Palgrave Macmillan. –
2004. – 228 c.
3. Cilsal O. The Day After III: The Cyprus Peace Dividend for
Turkey and Greece / Cilsal O., Kyriacou P., Mullen F.,
[Електронний ресурс]. – Oslo: Peace Research Institute Oslo,
2010, — Режим доступу:
<http://www.prio.no/upload/The%20day%20after%20III.pdf>
4. “Conclusions of the meeting of the G 8 Foreign Ministers,
G?rzenich/Cologne" [Електронний ресурс]. – Toronto:
University of Toronto, 1999, — Режим доступу:
<http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/foreign/fm9906010.htm>
5. Diez T. The European Union and Border Conflicts: The Power of
Integration and Association / Diez Thomas, Albert Mathias,
Stetter Stephan. – Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. –
2008. – C. 64-128.
6. Dodd C. The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict / Dodd
Clement. – New York: Palgrave Macmillan. – 2010. – 317 c.
7. Michalis M. Resolving the Cyprus Conflict: Negotiating History /
Michael Michalis. – New York: Palgrave Macmillan. – 2009. –
292 c.
8. Terry J. U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East. The Role of
Lobbies and Special Interest Groups / Terry Janice. – London:
Pluto Press. – 2005. – C 43-49.
9. The world Fact Book: Cyprus, [Електронний ресурс]. –
Washington: Central Intelligence Agency of the USA, 2011,
retrieved 28 October 2011, — Режим доступу:
<https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-
factbook/geos/cy.html>
10. “UN chief urges leaders to make decisive steps towards solution"
[Електронний ресурс]. – Nicosia: Cyprus Mail, 2012, —
Режим доступу: <http://www.cyprus-mail.com/greentree/un-
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chief-urges-leaders-make-decisive-steps-towards-
solution/20120125#0W7HbyBaq_k>
11. United Nations Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General
on his mission of good offices in Cyprus, S/2003/398, New York,
1 April 2003, P.35.
12. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 186(1964),
S/RES/186(1964), New York, 4 March 1964, P.4.
13. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 360(1974),
S/RES/360(1974), New York, 16 August 1974, P.1.
14. United Nations Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General
on his mission of good offices in Cypru, S/2003/398, New York,
1 April 2003, - 35 c.
15. United Nations, The Comprehensive Settlement of the Cyprus
Problem. [Електронний ресурс]. - New York, 31 March 2004. –
Режим доступу:
<http://www.unficyp.org/media/Other%20official%20documents/
annanplan.pdf>
16. Yakinthou C. Political Settlements in Divided Societies:
Consociationalism and Cyprus / Yakinthou Christalla. – New
York: Palgrave Macmillan. – 2009. – 273 c.
Мета статті полягає у дослідженні Кіпрського конфлікту
та визначення внеску ООН та процесу євроінтеграції у його
вирішення. У статті вивчаються головні історичні події
конфлікту які зумовлюють політичні перепони його вирішення
на сучасному етапі. Особливу увагу приділено впливу
Європейської інтеграції на процес врегулювання конфлікту, а
також ініціативи Плану Аннана. Автор доходить висновку, що
без підтримки з боку турецько-кіпріотської та греко-
кіпріотської громад неможливо досягти надійного вирішення
Кіпрського конфлікту.
Ключові слова: конфлікт, рішення, ООН, ЄС, Кіпр,
Туреччина, Греція, інтеграція.
V.P. Makoveyenko
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Целью статьи является исследование Кипрского
конфликта и оценки усилий ООН и ЕС, направленных на его
решение. В статье определяются главные исторические
события конфликта, которые препятствуют его решению.
Особое внимание уделено влиянию процесса Европейской
интеграции Кипра на решение конфликта, а также инициатива
плана Аннана. Автор приходит к выводу, что невозможно
достичь надежного решения конфликта без поддержки такого
решения со стороны греко-киприотской и турко-киприотской
общин.
Ключевые слова: конфликт, решение, ООН, ЕС, Кипр,
Турция, Греция, интеграция.
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